The answer, of course, is the latter, which is why the New York Times was handed some very convenient news about less driving.
So while reduced community impacts are implied by meeting that goal, that still leaves concerns and questions.
What is the level of Traffic Enforcement Agents (TEAs) FCRC and Barclays Center have committed to finance in the future? What is the length and term of the contract?
Is there a plan for a follow up TDM study after Islanders move to Barclays Center?
Are there areas where problems were identified with crosswalks? If so, what specific strategies are being used to address the problems identified?
Have any studies ever looked at the levels of service of the sidewalks of the arena block after events?
Has FCRC and Barclays Center agreed to continue financing pedestrian managers? If so, at what levels, and what is the length and terms of the contract?
The project’s FEIS states that if there is overcrowding on subway platforms it will be mitigated by an increase in the number of trains. [Note: there are more trains] Instead of producing more trains, it appears the stairs and turnstiles of the transit entrance on the plaza are often reduced in capacity with police tape as a way to slow patrons entering the transit station. Why this change in the mitigation from what was anticipated in 2006?
Where are patrons parking? What is the breakdown between on-street parking, park and ride lots, private lots and block 1129? How does the TDM plan incentivize (or not) the use of these spaces?
Will FCRC use its influence with the Governor and the State Legislature to get residential parking permits (RPP) enacted in the area around Barclays Center?
What was the number of black cars that arrived at the events studied? How many stayed for the course of the event, and where did they park? How many violations were given during the events studied? How does TDM incentivize (or not) legal parking behavior by limo drivers?