Monday, July 31, 2006

Push poll (likely from FCR) boosts Boyland against Montgomery in Senate race

Sometimes the news just falls into your lap. When I got a call yesterday from a pollster from Pacific Crest Research, the name rang a bell. The same company conducted a push poll last year to gauge and change attitudes regarding Forest City Ratner’s Atlantic Yards (AY) project, almost certainly on behalf of the developer.

I was asked numerous questions, some quite general, but most focused on the race between last-minute challenger Tracy Boyland and longstanding State Senator Velmanette Montgomery for the 18th Senatorial District.

The point of the push poll apparently was to see if the information provided--including leading statements, with incorrect information--would nudge listeners into supporting Boyland, who backs the AY project, against the incumbent, who opposes the AY project.

In the end, Montgomery was portrayed as an ally of those "who have million-dollar brownstones and want to preserve their exclusive neighborhood."

A member of a Brooklyn political dynasty, Boyland held a City Council seat from 1997 until 2005, when she was forced out by term limits and ran unsuccessfully for the 11th Congressional District seat held by Rep. Major Owens. The 18th Senatorial District is shaped like an “F” with the tine reversed, from Sunset Park in the south straight up to Downtown Brooklyn and Prospect Heights, then east to Bedford-Stuyvesant and Ocean Hill—and with a southwest jog to Red Hook.

Besides information on the Senatorial race, the pollsters also gathered information on attitudes toward the highly-contested 11th Congressional District race, as well as opinions regarding the AY project. Cross-tabulate the responses with demographic information, and that's a handy snapshot--and fodder for future marketing.

Enter the Ratner candidate?

There’s been widespread speculation that Boyland is the “Ratner candidate.” At the Develop Don’t Destroy Brooklyn rally on July 16, Montgomery took a swipe at Boyland. As noted by the Courier-Life chain:
“I don’t care if he [Ratner] wants to put some money up on a puppet [Boyland] to run against me,” Montgomery told the crowd.
[Update: A reader points out that there's no evidence in campaign filings of Ratner campaign contributions to Boyland.]

Circumstantial evidence suggests FCR is responsible for the poll. The pollster told me it was not conducted for any particular candidate, just an unnamed regular client.

Though Pacific Crest Research previously conducted a push poll about Atlantic Yards, neither the polling company nor FCR would confirm that the poll was conducted on behalf of the developer. “We don’t discuss our internal research,” FCR’s Barry Baum told the Brooklyn Papers last year, avoiding the opportunity to deny responsibility.

(Here's another account of a push poll; the writer says he heard "PCR Polling" and "FCR Polling" and concluded it was the latter. I think it was likely the former. Note that a Forest City Ratner spokesman charged that the report was wrong, but hedged: "I didn't say there wasn't a poll that went out.")

Pacific Crest Research last year also conducted a mystery poll that portrayed Democratic challenger Freddy Ferrer as running “a divisive campaign that is tearing the city apart” while Mayor Mike Bloomberg “has tried to bring people together.”

Bloomberg denied responsibility and Pacific Crest owner Matt Hewitt wouldn’t identify his client. Jonathan Trichter, who runs the Pace Poll, told the Politicker that it was likely “a special interest group” trying to figure out whom to endorse. Though Ferrer at that point had only expressed qualms about Atlantic Yards—his stated opposition was announced late in the campaign—it’s just as likely that Forest City Ratner paid for that poll.

Most vital issues

After asking if I was registered to vote, and in what party, I was asked, “Do you think things in Central Brooklyn are on the wrong track?”

[I didn’t tape the call but I did take notes—I type pretty fast and asked the pollster, C.J., to repeat himself a few times to make sure I got things right. I've paraphrased sections when I didn't get verbatim quotes.]

Then he asked my level of concern about several issues:
--the need to clean up corruption in Albany
--the quality and cost of health care
--the threat of crime
--traffic and congestion in Central Brooklyn
--high taxes in New York City
--the need for more parks and green space
--the need to maintain the character and neighborhood feel of Brooklyn
--the lack of affordable day care
--the need for more jobs and economic development in Brooklyn
--overdevelopment in Downtown Brooklyn
--the need for more affordable housing in Brooklyn
--the need to improve New York City’s public schools

Then I was asked which one or two of the issues would I pick as the biggest priorities.

Gentrification & parking

“There’s been a lot of talk in recent years about the so-called gentrification of Brooklyn,” C.J. continued. Some people say it’s been good for Brooklyn, because it’s improved things, but others say it’s been bad, because it has priced many people out, instead of leaving room for everyone. Is this good for Brooklyn or bad for Brooklyn?

On this question, as with some others, I had to ask if there was a third option, a mixed opinion. The questions seemed designed to create stark opposition.

Then I was asked my opinion about neighborhood parking permits limited only to residents. Such permits have been proposed as one way to fight the parking problems created by Brooklyn’s growth, including the projected increase in traffic if the Atlantic Yards plan proceeds.

Atlantic Yards in “Central Brooklyn”

Then I was asked about a major development project “known as Atlantic Yards that has been proposed for Central Brooklyn,” containing an arena and a number of high rise apartments.

Note that the State Senate race is in Central Brooklyn, but Forest City Ratner has long located the Atlantic Yards project in Downtown Brooklyn, though most would be in Prospect Heights.

State Senate & AY

Then I was asked about the State Senate race. Would I prefer a candidate who has served in Albany for a long time, “or a candidate who would be new to Albany and try to shake things up?” (Montgomery is at right)

“Would you be prepared to vote for a State Senator who supports the Atlantic Yards development project or someone who opposes it?” (Boyland appeared at the May 2005 press conference announcing the Atlantic Yards affordable housing agreement. See p. 2 of the Brooklyn Standard.)

Then I was asked whether Montgomery has performed her job well enough to ensure reelection.

A curious list

Then I was asked my opinion of several public figures, some of them elected officials, some not. My parentheticals were not part of the call

--William Boyland, Jr. (Tracy Boyland’s brother, and an Assemblyman from Brownsville)
--Mike Bloomberg (Mayor and a supporter of the AY plan)
--Velmanette Montgomery (State Senator and opponent of AY)
--Letitia James (City Council Member and opponent of AY)
--Rev. Herbert Daughtry (supporter of AY, signatory to the Community Benefits Agreement, and recipient of FCR funds)
--Rev. Al Sharpton (ally of Daughtry, supporter of AY, recipient of FCR funds)
--Nydia Velasquez (Congressional representative; she hasn’t been vocal about AY, but her district overlaps with Montgomery’s in Red Hook)
--Marty Markowitz (Brooklyn Borough President and prime booster of AY)
--Tracy Boyland (at right)

The question about William Boyland, along with a respondent's zip code, should help the pollsters understand the resonance of the family name, especially in the eastern portions of the State Senate district.

Congressional race

Then I was asked about the four candidates who are running for the Congressional seat that Major Owens is vacating. Interestingly enough, the candidates were not in alphabetical order.
--David Yassky (who has ridden the fence on AY, but has gone to bat for some AY Community Benefits Agreement signatories
--Chris Owens (opponent of AY)
--Carl Andrews (AY supporter)
--Yvette Clark (AY supporter)

Back to the Senate

I was again asked my opinion in the Montgomery-Boyland race, asked to rate the job Montgomery has been doing, then asked how much I felt I know about Montgomery and the issues facing the district.

Then, in proper push-poll tactic, I was given more information. C.J. read a brief bio of Boyland, which cited her City Council service and previous jobs as a legislative assistant for the Congressional Black Caucus and as a public school teacher. Supporters, I was told, say she is a young, energetic, and effective advocate for affordable housing, education, and women and familes. “She is running because it’s a time a change…We need some new energy and new ideas.”

Then came a biographical sketch of Montgomery, who was a teacher and day care director before her election in 1985. In the Senate, she has focused on improving social services, I was told, and she's been named one of the area's top business and professional women; she's running for reelection to continue to provide service to Brooklyn.

Then a repeat question: If Democratic primary were held tomorrow, who would I vote for?

Accentuating differences

Then C.J., reading his script, sketched out several differences between the candidates, including Montgomery’s statement that “she has been a strong candidate for reform” and Boyland’s counter that “the state government is in desperate need of change, but nothing will be done unless we elect new representatives.”

Then I was told that Montgomery says “she can get more done as an experienced Senator, but Boyland thinks “Montgomery has been in office long enough...[and] opposes projects that would’ve brought thousands of jobs and affordable housing to Central Brooklyn.”

The AY focus

That previous statement was a thinly-veiled reference to Atlantic Yards, but soon the focus on AY became clearer. Montgomery, I was told, strongly opposes AY, because it would be "wrong project for this part of Brooklyn" and destroy the character of neighborhoods.

Boyland, however, supports the AY project because it would “bring badly needed economic development to Central Brooklyn and create as many as 18,000 new jobs… [and] would provide over 7000 units of housing, with over 2200 set aside for affordable housing, which we desperately need.”

“Desperately needed affordable housing” is a quote that’s been used by Forest City Ratner and elected officials at least since the May 2005 press conference for the affordable housing Memorandum of Understanding. Note that at least half of the affordable housing wouldn't help people on the waiting list for public housing or Section 8 vouchers.

Also, the claim of 18,000 new jobs includes 15,000 construction jobs over ten years, or an average of 1500 jobs a year. Nor would all the jobs actually be created rather than retained, since some would represent jobs moved from elsewhere.

Class war

Finally, after about ten minutes on the phone with C.J., came the money shot: “Boyland says Montgomery is siding with people who have million-dollar brownstones and want to preserve their exclusive neighborhood instead of looking out for her own constituents.”

While class certainly plays a role in shaping attitudes toward the AY project, that’s a highly reductionist view of a complex issue, and a stilted sketch of Montgomery’s supporters.

Then again, it's a push poll. The question likely was meant to inflame opposition to the incumbent among less-affluent (and less-informed) members of her constituency.

Then I was asked my final opinion on the race, if the Democratic primary were held tomorrow.

Finally, I was asked, “for tabulation,” my age, education level, general political orientation, homeowner or renter, race, religion, and household income.

Who’s in charge?

I asked if a candidate was behind the poll. “We’re just an public opinion research firm,” I was told. “We’re not hired by either of them. We just have a client who gives us these jobs."

I got a supervisor and asked who was paying. “We’re never provided with the client’s information,” she told me.

C.J. told me he was calling from Seattle, where Pacific Crest Research apparently has a call center. But the phone number he gave me, 707-432-0374, is the company’s headquarters in Fairfield, CA. The web site is just a homepage, so there's no list of clients.

Sunday, July 30, 2006

A not-quite-correction in the Times

A Times editorial in the Westchester weekly July 16:
At another huge development in Brooklyn that Mr. Ratner proposes to build, an amazing 50 percent of housing units will be sold to low- and middle-income residents.

The correction published July 23:
An editorial last week about the Ridge Hill Village project in Yonkers mischaracterized the units earmarked for low and middle-income residents at another project, the proposed Atlantic Yards development in Brooklyn. These units will be rented, not sold.

While that correction is technically correct--yes, the affordable units would be rented, not sold--it still leaves the impression that 50 percent of the total number of units would be rented to low- and middle-income residents.

Rather, 50 percent of the 4500 rental units would be affordable, while the project would include another 2360 market-rate condos. The affordable housing percentage, announced and pledged at 50 percent, applies only to the rentals.

How big would "Miss Brooklyn" be? Look across the river

So how big would "Miss Brooklyn," Frank Gehry's flagship tower for the Atlantic Yards project, actually be? At 620 feet tall (actually, 650 feet with mechanicals) and 1.1 million square feet, it would loom over its neighbor, the Williamsburgh Savings Bank, which is 512 feet tall but less than one-third the bulk.

Look across the river

So it's hard to get a sense of scale in the immediate neighborhood. But head for the the South Street Seaport and you might see a substantial glass-clad office building, 180 Maiden Lane, which stands between Front Street and the FDR Drive.

Could this building serve as a cue?

Indeed, the building includes 1.08 million square feet and stands 554 feet tall over 41 stories. So it's not quite as tall as Miss Brooklyn would be, but it's nearly as bulky.

So if you're crossing the Brooklyn or Manhattan bridges, or just looking over from the Brooklyn shoreline, a view of this building gives a whiff of the future--at least as currently planned.

Transfer of air rights

According to Emporis, the "building's large internal floorspace was made possible by the transfer of air-rights from low-rises in the South Street Seaport Museum area."

By contrast, the large internal floorspace in Miss Brooklyn would be made possible by the Empire State Development Corporation's override of local zoning.

(Emporis photo (c) Nate Lindsay)

Each AY tower would dwarf (in sf) that 31-story public housing tower

I've already pointed out that, even though Frank Gehry's proposed "Miss Brooklyn" tower would be only 20 percent taller than the Williamsburgh Savings Bank, it would be three times as bulky.

But what about the tallest established residential building nearby, Atlantic Terminal Site 4B, the city's tallest public housing tower, at 31 stories and 310 feet. It's located across Atlantic Avenue at Carlton Avenue, opposite the Metropolitan Transportation Authority's Vanderbilt Yard, the site for several proposed towers.

Atlantic Terminal Site 4B covers 252,500 square feet, which makes it smaller than any of the proposed 16 towers in the Atlantic Yards project, including the six that are shorter. That's a testament to the density proposed in the Atlantic Yards plan and a reminder that height provides only a partial sense of a building's impact.

On the Brian Lehrer Show in June, Daily News columnist Errol Louis, a stalwart supporter of the Atlantic Yards plan, pointed to the presence of the 31-story tower as a cue for high-rise development in the area.

I pointed out that it was anomalous and, if you calculate the number of apartments per acre, the Atlantic Yards plan would be twice as dense as the public housing tower.

And the proposed square footages, released by the Empire State Development Corporation as part of the General Project Plan, offer further evidence of "extreme density." (Click on the graphic to enlarge.)

Saturday, July 29, 2006

Shadowy AY open space OK, says DEIS, because it's better than nothing

Yesterday I walked through Peter Cooper Village (PCV) in Manhattan in late afternoon, mindful of the warning by the Municipal Art Society that the open space at PCV's similar and co-managed neighbor, Stuyvesant Town, was more building backyard than true public park.

I was struck by how so much of the green space was in shadow--and from buildings only about 15 stories in height, less than half the height of most buildings proposed for the Atlantic Yards project. (And some AY buildings would be three times taller, at least.)

Would the seven acres of publicly-accessible open space proposed for Atlantic Yards be in late-afternoon shadow, when students return from school and adults from work?

Yes.

The limits of the law

But that's not a problem, according to the Draft Environmental Impact Statement issued by the Empire State Development Corporation, which measures environmental impact within some very specific legal boundaries.

The reason: this would be new open space, and something is better than nothing.

According to Chapter 9, on Shadows:
The proposed project’s publicly accessible open space is designed to take into account the location and heights of the proposed buildings and the shadows they would create. Major landscape elements, such as the oval lawn, primary pathways, and water features, would be located to receive the maximum exposure to midday sun throughout the year. The location of other landscape elements, such as the north-south pathways and smaller passive use areas, would be sited and oriented to receive sunlight when other areas of this open space are in shade so that sizable portions of the entire open space would have access to sunlight during the late morning through early afternoon hours.
The proposed project’s publicly accessible open space would receive shadow from Buildings 3 through 15 throughout the day in each analysis period. The incremental shadow would be greatest in the early mornings, when the shadows would stretch east and late afternoons, when the shadows would stretch west along the open space. During those times, most of the open space would be in shadow. Shadow is not generally expected to adversely affect active recreational uses such as volleyball, bocce, and the half basketball courts. The shadow would diminish the attractiveness of the passive recreation areas to their potential users. Were it not for the development of these buildings, this publicly accessible space would not be created. Therefore, the shadows on this public space would not be considered significant adverse impacts.
(Emphasis added)

The argument is similar to that made in Chapter 6 of the DEIS, Open Space, which acknowledges that the amount of open space provided for the new population (much less the surrounding population) would be far below city guidelines:
In sum, because the proposed project would provide more open space to users than is currently available, no significant adverse impact on open space and recreational resources would result.

Was ATURA planning for (part of) the AY site--or just a framework?

It's already been established that the Atlantic Terminal Urban Renewal Area (ATURA) would incorporate less than two-thirds of the proposed Atlantic Yards site, and an even smaller proportion of the properties subject to eminent domain.

So the incomplete coverage is an argument against ATURA being cited under the standard set in the Supreme Court's Kelo decision, which said that a community planning process was a prerequisite for the use of eminent domain.

(The project site is in blue, and ATURA in red, including the dark red, so the overlap is striped.)

But was ATURA actually a planning process? While it incorporated a broad area into a framework for urban renewal, the disposition of individual parcels was subject to specific planning decisions.

No look at the Vanderbilt Yard

And the main component of the Atlantic Yards plan that sits within ATURA, the Metropolitan Transportation Authority's Vanderbilt Yard, has been a functioning railyard. There had been proposals for decking over the site, including a possible campus for Baruch.

However, in recent years, there were no attempts to market the site, and no requests for proposals, as Winston Von Engel of the New York City Department of City Planning said in March.

"We didn't decide to take a look at the yards," Von Engel said at a meeting of the Brooklyn Borough Board Atlantic Yards Committee. "They belong to the Long Island Rail Road. They use them heavily. They're critical to their operations. You do things in a step-by-step process. We concentrated on the Downtown Brooklyn development plan for Downtown Brooklyn. Forest City Ratner owns property across the way. And they saw the yards, and looked at those. We had not been considering the yards directly."

So there may have been a framework for planning, incorporating the northern segment 60+% of the Atlantic Yards site, but there was no specific planning. And there was no planning at all for the buildings on Dean and Pacific streets, some of which were renovated following rezonings.

Friday, July 28, 2006

Spitzer, local officials tell ESDC: Give community more time to study DEIS

Eliot Spitzer, state Attorney General and frontrunner for the Democratic nomination for governor, has joined local elected officials and a community coalition who say that the Empire State Development Corporation (ESDC) should offer more time for review of the Atlantic Yards Draft Environmental Impact Statement (DEIS). In other words, the scheduled August 23 hearing is too soon.

Not only does Spitzer's statement reflect the concerns of numerous Brooklynites--not just opponents, but also members of community boards and civic groups--but it also has a practical implication. A delay makes it even less likely that, in a best-case scenario, departing Gov. George Pataki, a Republican, will preside over a groundbreaking.

Spitzer, who generally supports the project, sent a letter--[Update: note that it was on his campaign letterhead, not his official letterhead] today to Charles Gargano, chairman of the ESDC.

The letter was hailed by a coalition of local elected officials who represent constituents living close to the project. "It is imperative that enough time be allowed in the process for the public to review and respond to the DEIS," said Councilwoman Letitia James.

Assembly Members Joan Millman, Jim Brennan, and Roger Green also praised Spitzer and called for a delay. Millman and Brennan have been critical of the project, at least in terms of scale, while Green--whose district encompasses the project--supports the project.

Last week, the two leading contenders for Green's seat, Bill Batson and Hakeem Jeffries, called for more time.

Spitzer's letter

Spitzer's letter said, in part:
While I strongly support development at the Atlantic Yards site, I believe it is vital that there be adequate opportunity for public review of this project. The Draft Environmental Impact Statement (DEIS), which was released on July 18, 2006, is approximately 1400 pages long and deserves the careful review that is essential for a project of this magnitude. In addition, the three community boards that represent the immediate neighborhood of the project are in recess until September. For these reasons, I believe it is appropriate that the public hearing associated with the DEIS, that is now scheduled for August 23, 2006, be postponed for at least 30 days, leaving a total of not less than 90 days for review.

Spitzer noted that "it is not uncommon for a longer period of time to be granted," citing the example of the Belleayre project in the Catskills, for which the community was given at least 140 days. Spitzer said that an extension of the public review "by at least 30 days is indispensable."

The Council of Brooklyn Neighborhoods (CBN) has suggested a 60-day extension. The three affected community boards--CBs 2,6 & 8--have also called for an extension, according to the CBN's Jim Vogel.

AY plans revealed: temporary parking + staging slowly eclipsed

Now we know what the Atlantic Yards site might look like--at least in part--thanks to graphics released with Draft Design Guidelines that are part of the General Project Plan.

Five buildings and the arena would be built in the first major stage, leaving the entire eastern segment of the site for temporary surface parking and staging. Then, according to the draft plans, buildings would be constructed one by one in 11 phases, moving east and then clockwise, each time reducing the amount of space for parking and staging.

Curiously enough, the last building to be built would be east of Sixth Avenue between Dean and Pacific streets. That space--just across from the arena block--also would provide persistent temporary parking. Permanent parking would be built under that building as well, as shown in the final graphic below.

11 phases, one missing

The Draft Design Guidelines illustrate 11 phases of construction, all after the first major stage (five buildings + arena). Scroll down for each phase and click to enlarge. Pink=temporary surface parking and staging.

Note that there's no official rendering of what might be called phase zero, which would show the entire site east of Sixth Avenue as either surface parking, staging, or railyards. Phase zero would persist during the construction of the first stage, over four years--so the first graphic below is adapted from the Laurie Olin renderings provided by the ESDC.

Thursday, July 27, 2006

"Miss Brooklyn" would be 3X the Williamsburgh bank (in sf)

"Miss Brooklyn" would be huge. While it would be the only building in the Atlantic Yards project taller (by about 20 percent) than the Williamsburgh Savings Bank nearby, architect Frank Gehry's flagship tower would be three times larger than the iconic bank, in square footage.

In fact, ten of the 16 buildings planned, including each of the five slated for the first phase, would be bigger than the bank, in bulk.

Developer Forest City Ratner has regularly cited the bank as a cue for the size of the Atlantic Yards project. It even released a rendering (below) from a perspective that shows the bank looming over "Miss Brooklyn" in the background.

In an FAQ on the project web site, the developer states:
Miss Brooklyn," the building proposed to be located at the corner of Flatbush and Atlantic Avenues, will be the tallest, at 620 feet. As a comparison, buildings located nearby include the Williamsburgh Savings Bank which stands at 512 feet.

But height is only one measure. A document listing square footages, released by the Empire State Development Corporation last week as part of the General Project Plan, shows how bulky the buildings would be.

"Miss Brooklyn" would contain more than 1.1 million square feet. The bank, which is under conversion to luxury housing, contains 362,269 square feet.

Among the other buildings in the first phase, the building slated for Site 5, currently home to the low-slung P.C. Richard and Modell's, would be 695,750 square feet, nearly twice as big as the bank in terms of bulk. In the graphic at the top, this building is on the right.

Other buildings on the arena block would be 380,687 square feet, 650,437 square feet, and 824,629 square feet. (Click on the graphic for a larger version.)

Wednesday, July 26, 2006

“Friendly condemnations” (but not for renters): ESDC plans eminent domain for most of AY

So now we know what Empire State Development Corporation (ESDC) Chairman Charles Gargano meant when he used the term “friendly condemnations” two months ago regarding the Atlantic Yards project.

As explained in a public hearing notice released yesterday, the ESDC will acquire nearly all the property in the Atlantic Yards site via eminent domain, including the 90 percent owned by Forest City Ratner. That includes city streets but not a few properties needed by the Metropolitan Transportation Authority.

ESDC spokeswoman Jessica Copen explained: "When a development site is assembled by eminent domain, it is typical for the condemning authority to run any properties already owned by the developer through a 'friendly' condemnation, so as to clear any title defects that may have accumulated over the years."

Getting rid of renters?

Copen's statement does reflect typical practice. However, George Locker, a lawyer who represents 15 of the remaining 55 tenants in the project footprint, contends there's another reason: to evict his clients, who live in FCR-owned buildings but are protected by rent-stabilized leases.

"This is about getting protected residential rental tenants out of buildings," he charged. "ESDC is condemning rent-stabilized leases, contrary to the MOU [Memorandum of Understanding], and in violation of the tenant's rights and benefits, and the landlord's obligations under rent-stabilization. All of this chicanery will be the subject of litigation."

Typically, a landlord who wants to demolish a building containing rent-stabilized tenants to build another building must apply to a state housing agency for a demolition permit and satisfy several requirements--a process that would take much longer than the projected timetable for approval of the Atlantic Yards project.

Property ownership

While Forest City Ratner says it owns or controls 90 percent of the project site, that percentage is a bit misleading; of ten buildings that still contain rental tenants, six are owned by the developer. Even though those six buildings are counted in the 90 percent, FCR has not yet gotten tenants in those buildings to move.

The General Project Plan says that the site includes 73 individual tax lots (not including 53 individual tax lots for condos). Some tax lots contain multiple buildings. (Click on the graphic to enlarge. Note that only the west sliver of Block 1128 is part of the proposed project.)

The project site initially included approximately 26 rental buildings, 66 commercial properties, two medium-sized residential buildings with owner-occupied units, and four other buildings with owner-occupied units. (One rental building had one owner-occupied unit, while another had 11.)

Of the commercial businesses, 13 have not signed relocation agreements with FCR, according to the ESDC. Five owner-occupied units remain; some of those owners have agreed to leave, while Daniel Goldstein, spokesman for Develop Don't Destroy Brooklyn has publicly vowed to fight eviction.

Above is an ownership map adapted from the ESDC map, while the list of occupied residential buildings is on p. 9 of Chapter 4 of the DEIS.

Plans announced?

The ESDC's plans regarding eminent domain were announced but not fully confirmed on July 18, when the agency's board met and the General Project Plan and Draft Environmental Impact Statement were released. A memo to the board from Chairman Charles Gargano suggested two options:
With respect to Forest City controlled properties, it is expected that Forest City will either convey title to ESDC at no cost to the Corporation or that ESDC will, with the consent of Forest City, acquire title by condemnation, also at no cost to the Corporation.

The General Project Plan was more explicit, stating:
All of the properties within the Project Site would be acquired by ESDC... through uncontested condemnation in the case of properties owned by the City or FCRC, or through exercise of eminent domain in the case of properties and interests in properties that FCRC has been unable to acquire through negotiation.

Tax exemptions?

One source suggested that the use of eminent domain would secure additional tax exemptions. The ESDC's Copen said no, that the tax exemptions wouldn't derive from eminent domain.

"In most ESDC real estate projects, the land is owned by ESDC and leased to a developer. When land is owned by ESDC, that land is exempt from real property taxes," she said. "The exemption derives from ESDC ownership--it doesn't depend upon whether the land was acquired by eminent domain. If the land owned by FCRC simply was conveyed to ESDC (instead of condemned), that land similarly would become exempt from property taxes."

She continued, "Whether the developer pays mortgage recording taxes also has nothing to do with condemnation. With ESDC projects, such as Atlantic Yards, whether the developer benefits from a mortgage recording tax exemption is an issue negotiated by the developer with ESDC and NYC."

Previous promises

Locker called the move "a textbook explanation of the benefits of condemnation, not a response to clear public documents and public statements that say it will not be used on Forest City Ratner properties." He pointed to the 2/18/05 MOU signed by the city and state regarding the project, which stated that the ESDC would acquire "portions of the Private Properties... necessary to facilitate the Project."

Locker says that suggests the ESDC would condemn only properties not owned by the developer. Now, however, it seems that the ESDC has deemed nearly all the "Private Properties" necessary to the project. [Addendum 3 pm 7/26] However, as another clause (right) of the MOU states, the developer was to convey the properties, not have them condemned.

Locker also pointed to Forest City Ratner's PowerPoint presentation to the New York City Council on 5/26/05, which stated that the developer has "substantially reduced the need for condemnation."

In retrospect, the term "unfriendly condemnation" would have been more precise.

"Near the planned Atlantic Yards"? The Times resists another correction

The caption on the photo in yesterday's New York Times blight story read:
This portion of Dean Street, between Flatbush and Sixth Avenues near the planned Atlantic Yards, is in a part of Brooklyn that a state agency has defined as blighted.

But it's not "near" the project site. I e-mailed the Times:
The caption for the article incorrectly described the portion of Dean Street pictured as being "near the planned Atlantic Yards." Actually, the street would be included in the project, with towers of 322 feet and 428 feet replacing the current buildings.

The Times responds

I got a quick response from Senior Editor Greg Brock, who oversees corrections:
I think you misread the caption. It is talking about Dean Street in the present -- as it exists now. Not what it will be in the future as part of the Atlantic Yards. Here is the caption: "This portion of Dean Street, between Flatbush and Sixth Avenues near the planned Atlantic Yards, is in a part of Brooklyn that a state agency has defined as blighted."
Delete the location and you will see the point of the caption: "This portion of Dean Street is in a part of Brooklyn that a state agency has defined as blighted."
That's talking about the present, and is correct.
The location: "between Flatbush and Sixth Avenues near the planned Atlantic Yards" is also referring to its present location. And that is correct, also.
Your note said: it would be included. Once it is included, we will refer to it that way.


[As the graphic above shows, Dean Street would be the site of two towers bordering the arena, in the southwest portion of the project site.]

Near the planned AY

I responded quickly:
I have no disagreement with the truncation: "This portion of Dean Street is in a part of Brooklyn that a state agency has defined as blighted."
But the addition of "near the planned Atlantic Yards" renders the sentence incorrect, since it suggests that the "planned Atlantic Yards" would be somewhere else. The planned Atlantic Yards would include the street.


Huge contrast

I didn't get a response, and no correction appeared today. But a correct caption would have better signaled the huge contrast between the row-house scale of Dean Street and the planned project.

The houses are roughly 50 feet tall. The planned arena would be 150 feet tall. The towers would be more than twice as tall. As architect Frank Gehry said last year, "Everything we’re building is out of scale with the existing area."

Building 2, just below the center of the arena, at Dean Street and Flatbush Avenue, would be 322 feet. Building 3, at the corner of Dean Street and Sixth Avenue--replacing the buildings in the right corner of the photo at top--would be 428 feet.

Those two buildings would be just to the right of the center in the rendering at right. The scale of the surrounding neighborhood is suggested by the tiny blocks in the lower right.

Showing the real scale

I regret having to wrangle about obvious corrections, as I've done regarding "rezoning" and the "open railyard." It distracts from the more important challenge--for me, for Times editors--of looking at larger issues. But if the Times prizes the "journalism of verification," the newspaper should be accurate.

Also, it's notable that, for whatever reason, the Times has yet to print a graphic rendering of the true scale of the project.

What if the caption had pointed out that the buildings in the photo would be replaced by an arena three times their size, and by towers six and eight times their size?

Or if the Times had produced a montage with the Dean Street buildings and a rendering of the proposed scale of the street?

Tuesday, July 25, 2006

Tenants' rights activist disses AY affordable housing program

On the Housing Notebook show Monday night on radio station WBAI, host Scott Sommer, a tenants’ rights activist, offered forceful and sardonic criticism of the affordable housing component of the Atlantic Yards project.

Sommer's monologue began at about the 15:50 mark of the show, after he talked about the increasing pressure on rents and the prevalence of luxury housing among new construction. You have to listen to get the flavor of his sarcasm.

He began:
We are seeing the whole--the unraveling of the promise of the 50% of affordable housing at the Atlantic Yards Project, a project that should be condemned and destroyed. You know, the unraveling of that.
You know, it's now down closer to 30%. And some of the affordable units are going to be going for--affordable, affordable--the affordable units are going for over two thousand dollars a month. They just had a dog and pony show, sham information session, recently, about the affordable housing units, describing how that's going to work, and it's not even going to be around for, you know, well towards the end of the project, should this project ever get approved.


His point, I think, was that much of the affordable housing wouldn't be built for years, and a majority not until 2016, the completion date under the most optimistic scenario.

"Your tax dollars"

Sommer continued:
It's a sham what is happening down there with your tax dollars, by the way, and the use of eminent domain. They're gonna build a stadium for the Nets. They're gonna build luxury housing for the rich. And they're gonna throw some crumbs to the poor and the working poor and middle income people. And then higher middle-income people are going to be fighting for these two-thousand dollar apartments--for like two-bedroom apartments, three-bedroom apartments--absolutely insane. So this has nothing to do with the building of housing. These rent guidelines have nothing to do with that. Because the new units--anything built since 1974, unless it's built with government subsidy, is built outside the rent regulatory scheme, the eviction prevention scheme.

Actually, Forest City Ratner has announced that the 2250 affordable units would be under rent stabilization. (Click on the graphic for details about the rent.)

Bashing Bloomberg

At about 23:44 of the show, Sommer took off on Mayor Mike Bloomberg:
His fake words every now and then, about being concerned about all New Yorkers. The Atlantic Yards project, which is a boondoggle for rich developers, on tax money. His attempts on the West Side to go ahead and to build that stadium--that is the truth of Mike Bloomberg. Those kinds of--the mega-developments that he proposes, that will not benefit the working poor in New York.

It's interesting to note that another left-wing activist has criticized the housing deal brokered by ACORN and Forest City Ratner. Last year, Mark Winston Griffiths, on the DMI Blog, launched a contentious debate among progressives about ACORN, with some questioning ACORN's dealmaking and others defending it.

ATURA, crime, and the Times's blight story

In an article today headlined Blight, Like Beauty, Can Be in the Eye of the Beholder, the New York Times does a reasonable job surveying the issues regarding blight at the Atlantic Yards site, quoting a range of voices, even Assembly Member Roger Green, who supports the project but has said the site isn't blighted.

(The photo shows part of the block on Dean Street between Flatbush and Sixth avenues, probably the best-preserved part of the proposed footprint. The caption in the print edition, on the front page of the Metro section, incorrectly described the portion of Dean Street as "near the planned Atlantic Yards" rather than within the proposed project site.)

In two aspects, however, the coverage falls short. The first involves the Atlantic Terminal Urban Renewal Area (ATURA). The article states:
The study also dwells in some detail on the eight-acre railyards that make up about one-third of the site, and which also fall within an urban renewal zone the city established along Atlantic Avenue in the late 1960’s. The railyards hindered hoped-for development in the renewal zone for decades, the study notes, and continue to do so on those blocks to the south and west of the yards where the project would be.

That's questionable, since if the city had wanted more powers for redevelopment, it could have extended the boundaries of ATURA beyond the Pacific Street streetbed to include buildings on Pacific Street and then further on Dean Street. (The project site is in blue, and ATURA in red (including the dark red), so the overlap is striped.)

However, there were functioning manufacturing businesses on those blocks through the 1990s, including the Daily News printing plant and the Pechter (formerly Ward) Bakery. A process of individual rezonings had begun, and the Daily News building was converted into the Newswalk condos, on a plot of land cut out of the proposed project footprint.

ATURA likely will be cited to justify the use of eminent domain, given the Supreme Court's ruling that such use must be preceded by a governmental planning process. But what if the planning process excluded more than one-third of the project site?

On crime

The Times article also touches on the crime issue:
The study also included a look at crime in the area. Because the Police Department does not collect crime statistics block by block, the study could measure only indirectly whether the site has more crime than the area surrounding it. AKRF examined three police “sectors” in Brooklyn, each of which overlaps parts of the site but extend well beyond it. The study compared the combined crime rates in those three sectors with the combined crime rates for their respective police precincts. Finding the precinct numbers lower, the study declares that “residents and businesses on the project site are more susceptible to crime” than those in surrounding neighborhoods.
Overall crime in the three precincts, however, decreased slightly between 2004 and 2005.
“They make the footprint sound like it’s a Lower East Side slum,” said Daniel Goldstein, the spokesman for Develop Don’t Destroy Brooklyn, an umbrella organization for groups opposed to the project.


But neither the overall crime numbers nor Goldstein's statement offer a sufficient rebuttal to a sketchy thesis. As I pointed out, the crime rates in two of the individual sectors were lower than in the larger precincts. Thus, the apparent crime increase could be attributed to only one of the three sectors, 88E. And there was no evidence that the footprint itself contributed to higher crime.

In fact, I recently searched the articles in a local Brooklyn newspaper regarding crime in Sector 88E. Of the crimes reported in 2006 that could be isolated to that sector, all were north of Atlantic Avenue, above the railyards. Of course, that evidence is anecdotal, but it's at least as solid as the ESDC's speculation.

About AKRF

The Times article refers to the authors of the DEIS, AKRF, as "a consulting firm with long experience in land use and environmental engineering."

True, but lobbyist Richard Lipsky of the Neighborhood Retail Alliance (who in this case is lobbying for Forest City Ratner) has previously written, "The AKRF folks are simply rationalizing their job which is to make a great deal of money by minimizing impacts and conducting dishonest research.

And the Brooklyn Downtown Star has written of AKRF, regarding the possible Underground Railroad history at Duffield Street properties slated for eminent domain:
This is the same firm that was publicly exposed two summers ago during City Council hearings for being either incompetent or intentionally misleading

Instant gentrification? DEIS says no, statistics say yes

Would the Atlantic Yards project cause gentrification, also known as "indirect residential displacement"? The Draft Environmental Impact Statement (DEIS) issued last week by the Empire State Development Corporation says no, in part because of ongoing gentrification, because new housing units could relieve market pressure, and because most of the at-risk households would be more than a half-mile away.

Those arguments, however debatable, can't be dismissed. The fourth reason, however, doesn't pass the laugh test. The DEIS suggests that the new residents would be similar economically to current residents in the area. But it fails to point out that the cost of the new housing would ensure that most new households would have to earn above-average incomes.

So the numbers back up City Council Member Charles Barron, who has long criticized Atlantic Yards as "instant gentrification."

Looking at the document

Chapter 4 of the DEIS states:
Similarities between the proposed project housing mix and the housing mix currently present in the ¾-mile study area indicate that the socioeconomic profile of new households and existing households would be comparable.

However, the DEIS lists the median household income for that ¾-mile study area as $46,208, based on the 2000 census. A rise since then by ten percent would bring the median income to about $50,000.

People earning $50,000 would have a chance at only a fraction of the 6860 apartments planned for the project. A large majority, 4610 units, would be market-rate condos and rentals, likely geared to people earning six figures and more.

The 2250 affordable rentals would rent at 30 percent of a household's income. However, more than half of those units (Band 5, Band 4, and at least half of Band 3) would got to families earning more than $50,000. Some of the affordable units would be aimed at people earning over $100,000, more than double in income in the study area.

So 5735 units--4610 market-rate and at least 1125 affordable--would go to households earning over $50,000. That means that nearly 84 percent of the new households would not be so comparable with the surrounding area.

Statistical leaps

How did the DEIS reach such a wrongheaded conclusion? The writers of the DEIS first pointed out that the distribution of the rental units, as a percentage of the total units, would be similar to the distribution of rentals in the ¾-mile study area.

Then came a curious formulation:
The distribution of affordable and market rate rental units would also be similar on the proposed project site and in the ¾-mile study area. A housing unit is generally considered “affordable” if the household occupying it pays 30 percent or less of its income towards housing costs. As of the 2000 Census, approximately 59 percent of all renter households in the ¾-mile study area were spending less than 30 percent of their household income on housing costs. This is similar to the proportion of affordable units planned as part of the proposed project.

Yes, 50 percent of the project rental units would be affordable. But that doesn't mean they'd be affordable to the same group of people. If the median household income in the study area is $50,000, current affordable rents are much lower than the affordable rents that Atlantic Yards renters would pay.

The segment concludes:
In tenure, affordability, and apartment size, the housing stock introduced by the proposed project would be similar to the housing stock in the broader ¾-mile study area. This indicates that the socioeconomic characteristics of the new population (e.g., in household income and household size) would be similar to the characteristics of the population living in the broader ¾-mile study area. Therefore, while the proposed project would introduce a substantial new population, that population would not be markedly different in its socioeconomic profile than the existing population, which would eliminate one of the underlying conditions for indirect residential displacement. (Emphasis added)

There's no evidence that the household income would be similar. By ignoring the actual income figures and relying improperly on affordability as a proxy for income, the DEIS avoids confronting "indirect residential displacement."

Real housing for the real Brooklyn? Half of the affordable units--or less

On July 17, in an editorial headlined Real housing for the real Brooklyn, a Daily News editorial recounted how more than 2,500 real New Yorkers packed a ballroom at the Brooklyn Marriott to hear a presentation on the estimated 2,250 units of low-cost housing that would be built as part of Atlantic Yards, benefitting families who languish for as long as eight years on waiting lists for public housing and Section 8 vouchers.

I already pointed out that most Daily News readers would hardly consider the subsidized housing uniformly "low-cost," since some 40 percent of the affordable units would rent for well over $2000 a month (for a four-person family.)

But the editorial deserves a closer look, especially since it suggests that the 2250 units would be benefitting families who languish for as long as eight years on waiting lists for public housing and Section 8 vouchers.

Section 8 limits

For Section 8 assistance, $35,450 is the maximum income for a four-person family. That means that only 900 of the 2250 units would be available to people now waiting for Section 8 vouchers.

Public housing limits

City public housing rules set $56,700 as the maximum income for a four-person family. Because $56,700 is about halfway through Band 3 ($42,540-$70,900), that suggests that half of those 450 units could go to those seeking public housing.

Thus, a total of 1125 units might be considered "Real housing for the real Brooklyn." Or maybe just 900, as noted below.

AMI blues

Part of the problem is that the city's affordable housing plans are geared to the Area Median Income (AMI), which is set by the federal department of Housing and Urban Development.

The New York AMI is $70,900. However, that figure incorporates not only the five boroughs of New York City, but also the more affluent Nassau, Putnam, Rockland, Suffolk, and Westchester counties. The way AMI is calculated has drawn criticism from local officials and housing advocates.

Meanwhile, the median income in the city itself is much lower. The Draft Environmental Impact Statement for the Atlantic Yards project, in Chapter 4 (p. 34), cites the median household income for Brooklyn as $32,135 and for the city as $38,293. Those statistics come from the 2000 U.S. Census and thus are somewhat outdated, but they still suggest that Brooklyn's median income is significantly less than the New York AMI calculated for the region.

Bottom line

It's not Forest City Ratner's fault that only 40 percent (900) of the affordable units would be geared to average Brooklynites, since the income ranges are related to the HUD guidelines and the mix of units geared to the city's New HOP affordable housing program.

On the other hand, when company executive Jim Stuckey says "we're trying desperately to address the affordable housing crisis in New York City right now," that statement must be seen as political spin, not accurate description.

And so should the Daily News's claim that the affordable housing would help people waiting for public housing or Section 8 vouchers. After all, the Daily News has editorialized vigorously in favor of the project.

But if 900 of 6860 units are truly affordable, that would be 13% of the project. If you count 1125 units, the ratio nudges past 16%. (I'm not going to add the 600 to 1000 affordable for-sale condos planned, because most would be aimed at those in the upper affordable-income tiers.)

The affordable housing ratio would be higher than at several other projects that include no affordable housing at all. But that doesn't make it "Real housing for the real Brooklyn."

Monday, July 24, 2006

Daily News champions eminent domain, misreads ATURA

The Daily News editorial page seems committed to leading the charge on the Atlantic Yards project. Two editorials, plus a column by Errol Louis, have already been the subject of e-newsletters sent by developer Forest City Ratner within the last ten weeks.

Today's editorial, headlined Eminent sense in Brooklyn domain, likely will be no different. It states:
The United States Supreme Court has ruled that public agencies can invoke eminent domain to purchase land from holdouts and make it available to private developers, provided the project in question follows a preexisting governmental planning process and the public good is served. Atlantic Yards meets both criteria.
In 1968, most of the area was so blighted that city planners officially declared it an urban renewal zone, restating that designation as recently as 2004. The thousands of jobs and the subsidized housing the project would create represent a clear benefit to the public.


As Lumi Rolley pointed out first on NoLandGrab, key blocks in the footprint were never part of the Atlantic Terminal Urban Renewal Area (ATURA), in solid blue, and many of the properties subject to eminent domain are on those blocks, including properties needed for the arena. (ATURA is in red, including the grayish red, while the project would occupy the blocks in blue and blue stripes.)

Negotiating?

The editorial concludes:
Eminent domain is the power that brought us Lincoln Center, the new Times Square and affordable-housing meccas like Melrose Commons in the Bronx, which had long been a moonscape of burned and vacant buildings. Atlantic Yards foes might make better use of their time by negotiating to, say, scale down the project or change the traffic patterns. They should not be holding Brooklyn's future hostage with a frivolous lawsuit.

The reference to negotiating recalls Louis's column that suggested that politicians should try to negotiate jobs at the project, even though they can't. There's no negotiating to be done regarding the scale of the project; objections and criticism can be voiced, but there's no forum to evaluate them. As Kent Barwick wrote in a letter published in the Times today:
The fact is that state-regulated projects developed in association with the Empire State Development Corporation provide for no serious opportunities for citizens to become engaged in planning for their neighborhoods.

FCR on ATURA

On WNYC's Brian Lehrer Show last week, Forest City Ratner executive Jim Stuckey said:
This area has been considered blighted since 1968 when the first Atlantic Terminal Urban Renewal Plan was adopted. About 60, 65 percent of the area fell within that urban renewal area and was considered to be a blighted area. Those findings when the Downtown Brooklyn plan was approved two years ago were reaffirmed. These are not new.

But 60 to 65 percent does not a whole site make.

Supreme Court said

Was ATURA a "preexisting governmental planning process"? Only if looked at loosely. Justice Anthony Kennedy's concurrence in last year's Kelo vs. New London case raises some questions:
A court confronted with a plausible accusation of impermissible favoritism to private parties should treat the objection as a serious one and review the record to see if it has merit, though with the presumption that the government’s actions were reasonable and intended to serve a public purpose. Here, the trial court conducted a careful and extensive inquiry into “whether, in fact, the development plan is of primary benefit to . . . the developer [i.e., Corcoran Jennison], and private businesses which may eventually locate in the plan area [e.g., Pfizer], and in that regard, only of incidental benefit to the city.” The trial court considered testimony from government officials and corporate officers; documentary evidence of communications between these parties; respondents’ awareness of New London’s depressed economic condition and evidence corroborating the validity of this concern; the substantial commitment of public funds by the State to the development project before most of the private beneficiaries were known; evidence that respondents reviewed a variety of development plans and chose a private developer from a group of applicants rather than picking out a particular transferee beforehand... (Emphasis added)

In Brooklyn, the beneficiary would be Forest City Ratner, and there was just one development plan.

Batson, Jeffries say AY review deserves more time

They have different positions on the Atlantic Yards project, but Bill Batson and Hakeem Jeffries, candidates for the 57th Assembly District seat being vacated by Roger Green, at least agree that August 23 is too soon to hold a hearing on the Draft Environmental Impact Statement for the project.

The Empire State Development Corporation (ESDC) “has insulted all of Brooklyn” by scheduling the hearing during the last week of the summer, when many families go away with children, said Batson (right) at a candidates’ forum Thursday night at the Duryea Presbyterian Church in Prospect Heights.

Jeffries said he though the process of public review should be extended for six months. (The DEIS was released last week, and comments will be accepted only through September 23.) “It is problematic that the two public hearings are scheduled at times that are inconvenient,” he said, noting that the follow-up community forum is on the day of the Democratic primary election.

Freddie Hamilton, the third candidate in the race to succeed Roger Green, who is running for Congress, was less critical. “I think the Atlantic Yards project has been a learning experience for each and every one of us,” she said. “I believe that going forward, we will be able to put different and additional oversight into the process. Having said that, my experience in life is, no matter how open the process is, some people will not see it as that.”

Opening stakes

Batson, a longtime legislative aide who has significant backing from Atlantic Yards opponents, has strongly criticized Forest City Ratner's plan, saying in his opening statement that “16 skyscrapers would just be a stake through the heart of Brooklyn.”

While Jeffries, a lawyer, emphasized “neighborhood-friendly development” in his opening statement, he didn’t mention Atlantic Yards. Hamilton (right), who cited affordable housing as one of her priorities, ran into trouble with a few audience members. “I am a signer of the Community Benefits Agreement,” she said, and because of that, “I will not address Atlantic Yards.”

“That’s not acceptable,” boomed Schellie Hagan of the Prospect Heights Action Coalition, who was wearing a Develop Don’t Destroy Brooklyn (DDDB) t-shirt.

“If this is a Develop Don’t Destroy rally, I’m at the wrong meeting,” said Hamilton, Hamilton, a Democratic District Leader for the Assembly District. “I’m not a spokesman for Bruce Ratner and Atlantic Yards."

“Then don’t be running for office, taking money from him,” Hagan countered.

Ironically, the forum sponsor, the Prospect Heights Neighborhood Development Council (PHNDC) has distanced itself from DDDB, notably in a press release regarding the Municipal Art Society session last month on design principles for the project.

Security issues

The longstanding state law governing the environmental review process does not incorporate post-9/11 security issues and, despite the entreaties of several community groups and community boards, the DEIS does not address security. The candidates were asked if the review process should be broadened.

“I would say absolutely that this is something that should be included, Jeffries (right) said, adding, “I’d like to make sure that any environmental assessment not just consider security concerns but all the public services.” Actually, the DEIS does address police and fire services, for example, and found no significant adverse impacts.

Hamilton said she’d support adding post 9/11 security issues. Batson said, “We need to stop this mock environmental impact process.”

Eminent domain

The candidates seemed to agree on the issue of eminent domain, notably the Kelo vs. New London case in which the Supreme Court last year narrowly upheld the use of eminent domain for economic development.

“I certainly believe eminent domain should be limited and curtailed,” Jeffries said. “I disagree with the Supreme Court’s most recent decision. I’ve come out against the use of eminent domain to build a basketball arena.” (What that means regarding the Atlantic Yards project is unclear, even after I asked for amplification.)

Jeffries added, “We need to redefine the issue of blight”--which is part of the justification for the Atlantic Yards project.

Batson said that Kelo should be reversed and contended that eminent domain was already driving warehousing of properties throughout Community Board 8, on which he sits.

Hamilton added that she opposed Kelo, said the powers of eminent domain shouldn’t be abused, and agreed with Jeffries that blight should be redefined, though she didn’t mention Atlantic Yards.

Congressional candidates on ED

In the later segment of the forum, featuring three of the four candidates for the open 11th Congressional District seat, the eminent domain issue recurred.

David Yassky cautioned that a law limiting eminent domain could limit “the government’s ability” to build projects, parks, and roads. Still, he acknowledged that “I am troubled by that aspect of Atlantic Yards.” If a project is in the public interest, he said, “you auction [property] off to the highest bidder, not transfer it.”

“Are you against the project?” someone in the crowd asked. The question went unanswered; Yassky has both supported and criticized the project.

Chris Owens said he opposed eminent domain and emphasized his stand: “I am the only person who opposes Atlantic Yards as proposed.”

Carl Andrews acknowledged that eminent domain “is very controversial.” He went on to say, “I support Atlantic Yards, but I realize that Atlantic Yards is not a perfect development. In order to make it a perfect development, you need to have more community input, and hopefully [the developer] will take into consideration those concerns.”

Yvette Clark didn’t attend.

Support & spin in the 57th

Jeffries has raised more money than Batson, and has the support of the county political organization, even though he was an insurgent in a previous candidacy, then saw his residence cut out in a redistricting. (Hamilton’s fundraising lags.)

Batson asserted that he was the real independent, and Jeffries responded that he had support from a variety of groups (including seven unions to Batson's one) beyond the county organization.

See the comments section on the Times Empire Zone blog for more discussion. Jeffries supporters highlight a Batson verbal slip—he said he had graduated from Pratt, and then caught himself to acknowledge that he hadn’t finished the degree. Batson supporters argue that Jeffries, however polished, may not be trusted to take a clear stand.

No eminent domain for arena, says Jeffries, but for AY?

Hakeem Jeffries, a candidate for the open 57th Assembly District seat, is against the use of eminent domain to build a basketball arena, as he said in an advertisement in May and at a forum last Thursday.

But what exactly does that mean? I caught up with Jeffries after the forum to ask him to amplify his statement. That produced some musings, but no definitive statement.

“I’m opposed to using eminent domain as it relates to this project,” he said. “I don’t believe it should be used by a private developer to build a basketball arena.”

“I've encouraged, from the very beginning, the notion of looking at a project that focused exclusively on housing, or focused predominantly on housing," he continued. "I’ve yet to see the connection made with the necessity of the arena and tying it to making the development of affordable housing economically feasible. I'd be interested in seeing that argument made, but until it's made I can't really comment any further on the issue of how eminent domain relates to the entire project."

Eminent domain for what?

“What’s important to have happen is to see whether the developer can make the case that there's an absolute and explicit and necessary connection between an arena and the housing,” he said. "The eminent domain, in my understanding, is what's necessary as a result of the arena, not as a result of building the housing along the railyards."

I suggested that eminent domain would be used for both the arena and housing. "That's something I would be interested in looking at, but I've got to see that information," Jeffries said.

(Indeed, the housing would be built not only on the railyards between Pacific Street and Atlantic Avenue, but also between Pacific and Dean streets. Some properties on yet unsold to Forest City Ratner would be in the arena location, while others would be in areas slated for housing. Negotiations are ongoing, so it's unclear which properties would be subject to eminent domain other than the condo owned by Daniel Goldstein of Develop Don't Destroy Brooklyn, who has stated his unwillingness to sell; it would be located within the arena segment.)

Broader impact

I pointed out that part of the subsidies for the arena would go to infrastructure that could support the larger project. "The case that an arena is going to be an economic benefit to the community is one that's very suspect," Jeffries said. I noted that that the Independent Budget Office predicted a modest fiscal gain.

Jeffries added: "To me, the case to be made and the common ground here, even if you look at the UNITY plan project that was supported by others, would be the affordable housing. Everyone agrees that what should be built there is some housing, and some housing that deals with the affordable housing crisis. And we should all be looking at finding the common ground, as opposed to the issues that are dividing us."

If he were in the state legislature today, I asked, what would he tell Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver, who controls a key vote on the Public Authorities Control Board, which must approve the project after the ESDC votes.

"As a lawyer, I've learned never to answer hypothetical questions," Jeffries responded. Pressed by the Times earlier this month for his stand, Jeffries said that he would "be more inclined to support it than not," mainly because of the affordable housing.

What remains unclear in the discussion about affordable housing in the Atlantic Yards plan is the value of the public subsidies.

Sunday, July 23, 2006

Is AY right for Brooklyn? In Daily News, Markowitz, Shiffman disagree

In the Daily News today, two brief but telling paired opinion pieces. Is Atlantic Yards right for Brooklyn? Yes, writes Borough President Marty Markowitz. A key line:
Without serious leadership in Washington or Albany, we must look to public-private collaborations such as Atlantic Yards to be part of the solution - that's reality, not theory.

Is Atlantic Yards right for Brooklyn? No, counters Ron Shiffman, professor of architecture and urban planning at Pratt Institute's School of Architecture (and also a Develop Don't Destroy Brooklyn advisory board member). A key response:
After the West Side stadium debacle, the city now wants to buy rights to the Metropolitan Transportation Authority's Hudson Yards and then have developers make proposals for projects that would go through the city's planning process. In Brooklyn, the city has endorsed a single-source deal. It's bad planning and deceptive decision-making and unworthy of a world city.

Saturday, July 22, 2006

The housing switch: more affordable units would go to the middle-class

There's been a small but significant switch within the allotment of affordable housing promised for the Atlantic Yards project. No longer would 900 of the 2250 affordable apartments be promised to moderate-income people earning 50%-100% of the Area Median Income, or AMI.

Rather, only 450 units would go to moderate-income people, and 900 would be aimed to the middle-class, earning above the AMI. Thus, some 40% of the units in the affordable allotment would have relatively high rent; a family of four would pay more than than $2000 a month.

The scenario currently proposed was, in fact, one of three anticipated in the Housing Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) that the advocacy group ACORN negotiated with developer Forest City Ratner in May 2005.

However, this scenario, which would reap the highest rent, was not the one the developer promoted on its web site for three months. No wonder some of the attendees at the affordable housing information session on 7/11/06 looked askance at the rents being discussed.

No matter the scenario, each unit would be rented at 30% of the tenants' family income, which is the definition of affordable. Each of the three scenarios would reserve 900 of the affordable units to low-income people earning 50% or less of the AMI.

This conforms with the New York City Housing Development Corporation's New Housing Opportunities (HOP) program, which supports developments with 50% market-rate units, 30% moderate- and middle-income units, and 20% low income units. The New HOP program would involve only the 4500 rental units proposed for Atlantic Yards, not the additional 2360 market-rate condos.

It should be acknowledged that any of the three scenarios negotiated by ACORN would in some ways improve on the New HOP program. (I'll discuss that in greater detail below.) It's just that the current scenario would offer the least improvement.

Best deal

The first scenario in Housing MOU set the income limit at 140% of the AMI. (When the agreement was signed last year, the AMI was $62,800.)

The scenario included five categories, or "bands," in which the third-highest band (450 units) would encompass people earning 61%-80% of the AMI, the fourth-highest band (450 units) would be for those earning 81%-100% of the AMI, and the highest band (450 units) would be for those earning 101%-140% of the AMI.


Next deal

The second scenario set the income limit at 150% of the AMI. The third-highest band would encompass people earning 60%-90% of the AMI, the fourth-highest band would be for those earning 91%-110% of the AMI, and the highest band would be for those earning 111%-150% of the AMI.


Highest rent

The third scenario was for an income limit of 160% of the AMI. Of the five"bands," the third-highest band would encompass people earning 60-100% of the AMI, the fourth-highest band would be for those earning 101%-140% of the AMI, and the highest band would be for those earning 141%-160% of the AMI.

In short, those earning 60%-100% of the AMI would gain access to 450 units, rather than 900 units, as anticipated in the first scenario.


Best deal promoted

When Forest City Ratner debuted the new AtlanticYards.com web site in April, the housing chart promised a version of the first scenario, with 900 units offered to moderate-income renters. This was actually slightly better than the first scenario, since the third band encompassed those earning 51%-80%, not 60%-80% of the AMI.

(Note that the chart below is no longer on the AtlanticYards.com web site.)


Best deal shelved

When it came time for the affordable housing information session on 7/11/06, however, Forest City Ratner had replaced the first scenario with the third scenario. Instead of having 900 (40%) of the 2250 affordable units go to people earning between 61%-100% of the AMI, only 450 units would go to those in that category, and 900 units would go to those earning more than the AMI.

Moreover, the AMI in the past year has risen from $62,800 to $70,900, thus raising rents all around.


Still an improvement

This actually remains an improvement over some other affordable housing configurations. As City Limits reported last year:
What ACORN won was a commitment to devote most of the middle-income units to households earning significantly less than the maximum HDC allows, and to limit rents to 30 percent of household income. Usually, HDC New Housing Opportunity Program [HOP] apartments are open to renters earning up to 175 percent of area median income, or, averaging for household size, about $94,500. Ratner agreed to lower the cap to 160 percent, and possibly as low as 140 percent, depending on project financing and market conditions as the new towers get built.

So project financing and market conditions now seem to be driving a cap of 160 percent, not 140 percent.

Low-income boundaries

Also, and perhaps more importantly, the Atlantic Yards program would stretch the income boundaries for low- and moderate-income people. The New York City Housing Development Corporation (HDC) says that 20 percent of the units in the New HOP program should be affordable to those earning at or below 50% of the AMI, and gives examples of 40% and 50%.


The Atlantic Yards program would go down to 30% of the AMI.

Moderate-income levels

Also, HDC says that 30% of the units would have to be affordable to those earning at or below 130% of the AMI. The three examples provided are 80%, 100%, and 130%.


So the "band" for the Atlantic Yards project involving those earning 60%-80% of AMI was an improvement, even though the proposed number of apartments in that category has been halved.

What would the rent be?

It's unclear, however, whether the Atlantic Yards affordable housing would do more for the the middle-income people who need a boost. Yes, only those earning up to 160% of the AMI would be eligible for Atlantic Yards, while the standard New HOP cap is 175% of the AMI.

On the other hand, the rents may not be lower. Affordable rents proposed for Atlantic Yards would range past $3000 for a family of six, and to $2658 for a family of four. (Click to enlarge.)


However, the June 2006 term sheet for the New Housing Opportunities Program sets maximum rent levels at $2334, or 130% of AMI. (My assumption is that would be for a family of four.)


Note that, in the third scenario of the Atlantic Yards Housing MOU, the rents would go up to 150% of AMI.

Bottom-line issues

So what does it all mean? These adjustments within the proposed affordable housing scenarios likely are linked to the available financing for affordable housing and the overall cost of the project.

Does the presence of the arena and high infrastructure costs mean that Forest City Ratner can only promise the third, rather than the first, scenario regarding affordable housing?

Does the presence of affordable housing drive political support for a project far more dense than any other in the country?

Would the rent for the higher-end affordable units be above the New HOP guidelines?

How much would the public pay for the affordable housing, and what is Forest City Ratner's contribution?

Is there a justification for a greater public investment?

Or how might the same public investment in affordable housing play out in a different project?

All these are unknowns until more figures are on the table for public discussion.

What is clear is that affordable housing means a rent set at 30% of a family's income. It does not mean low-income housing, and it does not mean moderate-income housing. The details matter.

Clarification: AY affordable apartment sizes set by city program

When I observed a week ago that the sizes of the 2250 affordable apartments proposed for the Atlantic Yards project seemed small--400 square feet for a studio, 575 sf for a 1-bedroom, 775 sf for a 2-bedroom, and 950 sf for a 3-bedroom--I implied that the dimensions could be attributed to developer Forest City Ratner.

That was unfair. I should have explained, as I since have learned, that the sizes derive from the New Housing Opportunities Program (New HOP) of the New York City Housing Development Corporation, which would help fund the units.

It's curious, though, that Forest City Ratner and ACORN did not announce the apartment sizes at the 7/11/06 affordable housing information session. That might have caused the audience to express even more skepticism.

And a question remains. While the affordable housing would represent a little less than 33% of the units at the project, it would apparently represent only 22% of the square footage. (That's based on an even distribution of the four different sizes. Note that there would be 2250 market-rate rentals and 2360 market-rate condos.)

Is that correct? How much bigger would the market-rate apartments be, and what percentage of the total housing space allotment in the project would they occupy?

We know that the original pledge of 50/50 affordable housing has been put aside because of addition of the market-rate condos. Now project supporters emphasize that 50% of the rental units would be affordable. But would the affordable rentals occupy 50% of the space allotted for the rentals?

Friday, July 21, 2006

Mystery solved: ESDC should never have promoted 10,000 jobs at Atlantic Yards

Had the Empire State Development Corporation used statistics consistently, it never would have told the public that there would be 10,000 office jobs at the Atlantic Yards project. Rather, the figure would have been 8000, at most, and claims for the project--by the developer and supportive columnists--would have been more modest.

That small but telling clarification emerges from a look at the recently-released Draft Environmental Impact Statement (DEIS). At issue is the assignment of office space to jobs. Forest City Ratner initially promised 10,000 jobs in 2 million square feet of office space, using a non-standard ratio of 200 square feet per worker.

Four months ago, I took another look at an 11/6/05 New York Times article, which explained that three-quarters of the originally projected 10,000 jobs were gone. Besides a reduction in office space, another reason was this:
The earlier estimates were also based on a ratio of one job per 200 square feet of space, but the Empire State Development Corporation, which released the September planning documents, uses a less generous ratio of one job per 250 square feet of space, amplifying the reduction.

I noted that the ESDC's Draft Scope of Analysis--a prelude to the DEIS--said nothing about such ratios, though the New York City Economic Development Corporation and FCR consultant Andrew Zimbalist had used the 250 square feet figure, which is not just a "less generous ratio," but also the industry standard. (Forest City Ratner derived the figure of 200 square feet from its MetroTech project.)

Answer: inconsistency

In March, I asked the ESDC if the agency uses 250 square feet per office job, and whether it was in any document. I didn't get an answer. I concluded that either the Times was mistaken or the agency has been inconsistent in its public posture.

Answer: the latter. The DEIS now estimates (p. 69) "4 employees per 1000 square feet of office space," or 250 square feet per worker, the standard ratio.

If the ESDC uses the standard industry ratio of 250 square feet per job, then it should've looked askance at FCR's earlier projections. On 3/4/05, in a press release, the ESDC stated, "The project is expected to create 15,000 construction jobs and over 10,000 permanent jobs."

Yes, it's likely that the press release--versions were issued jointly by the city, state, and ESDC--wasn't written by the ESDC. But it apparently didn't represent the way the agency calculates office jobs.

The ESDC and developers have a "collaborative" relationship in an effort to move projects forward. The Atlantic Yards job numbers, however, suggest that the interests--or at least the statistics--may not always be in tandem.

Thursday, July 20, 2006

High crime in the footprint? ESDC blight study says yes, but it's a stretch

Is the proposed 22-acre Atlantic Yards site blighted, a precondition for the use of eminent domain? Of course, says the Empire Statement Development Corporation, in a Blight Study that is part of the General Project Plan. And one of the reasons is a high crime rate--a manipulative allegation that crumbles under scrutiny.

Notably, in two of the three sectors studied that each included parts of the footprint, the crime rate was lower last year than in the larger police precincts they belong to. In the third of the sectors, the rate was dramatically higher than in the larger police precinct. That raised the average crime rate of the three sectors high enough to suggest that the footprint as a whole has a crime problem. (At right, the broad boundaries of the three affected precincts. Click on any graphic for a larger view.)

But it's a suggestion, not a conclusion, since the evidence is sketchy. The New York Police Department does not keep statistics on a block-by-block level, so the consultants writing the blight report were forced to generalize. Worse, they ignored other factors beyond the footprint that might contribute to crime in the sector they identified.

But the alleged crime problem is already part of Forest City Ratner's talking points. "The crime in these areas is substantially higher than areas around it," Jim Stuckey, president of the Atlantic Yards Development Group, told WNYC talk show host Brian Lehrer.

Finding the crime

The study, which I'll quote in full, begins:
As described in Sections B and C of this report, the project site is characterized by blighted conditions including an active but open and below-grade rail yard, vacant lots, vacant buildings, unsanitary and unsafe conditions, and buildings that are structurally unsound. An analysis of crime statistics compiled by the NYPD indicates that the project site is also characterized by high crime rates, another indicator of blighted conditions. As discussed below, 2004 and 2005 crime data indicate that per capita crime rates on the project site and in surrounding blocks are higher than for the broader precincts in which the project site is located.

The first red flag is the term "per capita crime rates on the project site and in surrounding blocks." This signals that we just don't know the crime rates on the project site.

The study continues:
As shown in Figure 8, the project site overlaps three New York City Police Department (NYPD) precincts. The northern portion of the project site, including Blocks 927, 1118, 1119, 1120, and 1121, is located in the 88th precinct. The southern portion of the project site is divided between the 77th and 78th precincts, with Blocks 1128 and 1129 located in the 77th precinct and Block 1127 located in the 78th precinct. For crime reporting purposes, the NYPD divides each precinct into groups of blocks called “sectors.” As shown in Figure 9, the three sectors that cover the project site are: sector A in the 77th precinct; sector D in the 78th precinct; and sector E in the 88th precinct.

Generalizations needed

Given the constraints on statistics, the study has to generalize:
Sectors are the smallest geographic area for which the NYPD publishes crime data. Therefore, it is not possible to determine the number of crimes that have occurred on the project site itself. However, crime rates in the sectors that overlap the project site (referred to here as the study area) can be compared to precinct averages to determine whether there are any substantial differences between crime rates on and around the project site and crime rates in the larger precincts. Table D-1 presents this comparison for 2004 and 2005, the most recent years for which annual crime data is available.

Yes, the crime rate is higher than in the larger precincts, but only if it's presented collectively, thus blurring the three distinct sectors:
As shown in the table and illustrated in Figures D-1 and D-2, the total crime rate for the study area (sectors 77A, 78D, and 88D) was substantially higher than the total crime rate for the larger three-precinct area (precincts 77, 78, and 88) in both 2004 and 2005. In 2004, the total crime rate for the study area (35.4 crimes per 1,000 persons) was approximately 34 percent higher than the crime rate for the larger precinct area (26.4 crimes per 1,000 persons). Although the total crime rate for the study area decreased slightly between 2004 and 2005 (from 35.4 to 34.3 crimes per 1,000 persons), it was still approximately 16 percent higher than the crime rate for the three-precinct area (29.6 crimes per 1,000 persons).

So the crime rate, actually, went down between 2004 and 2005. Does that mean it's trending ever downward and would work itself out?

How meaningful is a 16 percent difference in the crime rate? In some states, where they're taking another look at eminent domain, that wouldn't make a ripple. Recently passed legislation in Wisconsin constraining the use of eminent domain, for example, requires "The crime rate in, on, or adjacent to the property is at least 3 times the crime rate in the remainder of the municipality in which the property is located."

How much crime?

It's worth taking a close look at the detailed crime report. It shows that, in the two sectors incorporating blocks in the southern portion of the project footprint, 77A and 78D, the crime rate was lower than in each of the larger precincts in 2005. The crime rate in 77A in 2004 was lower than in the precinct as a whole, while the crime rate in 78D was less than 10 percent higher than in the precinct as a whole.

The dramatic differences can be attributed to sector 88E, which incorporates the blocks in the northern portion of the project footprint--plus a whole lot more. (Click to enlarge.)



Even though one sector can be blamed for the crime increase, the study persists in grouping the three sectors together:
Crime rates for categories of crime such as robbery and grand larceny increased more substantially in the study area than in the overall three-precinct area. As described below, the data presented in Table D-1 indicate that the lack of street-level activity on the project site and the relative isolation of the project site from busier pedestrian streets such as 5th Avenue, Fulton Street, and the western portion of Atlantic Avenue creates an environment that is conducive to illegal activities. The higher crime rates for the precinct sectors encompassing the project site indicate that residents and businesses in the area are more susceptible to crime.

How exactly are they sure? The increase in crime in Sector 88E cannot be blamed on the project site. And there are very few residents and businesses in that northern portion of the project site, as the overhead photo shows. It consists of the railyard, a bus storage area, and a few businesses, including the P.C. Richard/Modell's at Site 5 at the far west end.

Fudging the difference

The report does acknowledge the distinction between sectors, though it doesn't point out that two of three sectors are safer than the larger precincts in which they're located:
Differences in crime rates were most notable in the 88th precinct, which covers the bulk of the project site, including the rail yard. As shown in Table D-1, the total crime rate for sector 88E was over three times the rate for precinct 88 in both 2004 and 2005. In 2004 and 2005, the crime rates for sector 88E were 58.2 crimes and 65.1 crimes per 1,000 persons, respectively. In contrast, the crime rate for precinct 88 was only 18.2 crimes per 1,000 persons in 2004 and 19.6 crimes per 1,000 persons in 2005.

Imposing assumptions

The report continues with some assumptions about the source of the crime:
As indicated above, it is not possible to isolate crimes that have occurred within the project site boundaries. However, because five of the twelve blocks that comprise sector 88E are part of the project site it is reasonable to assume that crime rates on at least this portion of the project site are significantly higher than average. Given the physical characteristics of the project site, this high crime rate is not surprising.

So this portion of the project site has a high crime rate but the adjacent blocks don't? It doesn't add up. How does the population of these five blocks compare to the population of sector 88E as a whole? We're not told.

The report then blames the apparent high crime rate in sector 88E and the northern section of the project site on the conditions in the project site as a whole:
Night time lighting around the project site is low or non-existent – in part due to the high number of properties that are vacant and in part due to the physical characteristics of the project site and the buildings on the site. Not only are there not many uses to give off light, there are few surfaces, such as building façades, that could reflect light. Large areas of the project site that are part of the depressed rail yard have minimal lighting in their central volumes and seem to make the area even darker.

Note that the most of the buildings in the project site are not in sector 88E but in the other two sectors. So the claim is a fudge--why would the vacant buildings in part of the project site be responsible for high crime across the street, but not on the sidewalks outside?

Drug dealing and auto theft

The study suggests that the project site is a haven for drug dealing and auto theft:
The lack of adequate lighting, presence of deteriorating built structures and vacant lots, and lack of street-level activity creates a sense of isolation that may encourage illegal activity. In 2004, the NYPD recorded 5.2 narcotics misdemeanors per 1,000 persons in sector 88E. This rate was approximately 40 percent higher than the rate for precinct 88 (3.7 narcotics misdemeanors per 1,000 persons). In 2005, the rate for sector 88E increased to 5.8 narcotics misdemeanors per 1,000 persons. This crime rate was approximately 18 percent higher than the rate for the 88th precinct (4.9 narcotics misdemeanors per 1,000 persons).
Similarly, the 2004 crime rate for motor vehicle grand larceny was over three times as high in sector 88E than in the 88th precinct, and the 2005 rate for the sector was more than double the rate for the precinct. The lack of pedestrian activity and relative isolation and desolate feeling on the project site, particularly on Pacific Street south of the rail yard, creates an environment that is conducive to activities such as automobile theft and drug sales.


Given that the precinct boundary is in the middle of Pacific Street, this seems to be suggesting that the isolation on the northern side of the block--which is a brushy area bordering a fence guarding the railyards--fosters much more crime than across the street. Is that where the drug dealers hang out?

The irony, of course, is that eminent domain would not be needed to solve any apparent blight caused by the railyard site. All that's necessary is for the Metropolitan Transportation Authority to make improvements or to put the property out for bid.

Eminent domain would be used mainly to acquire properties in the two sectors with a lower crime rate than the precincts they are within.

Not the malls

The report assesses whether Forest City Ratner's two malls, in the western end of Sector 88E, contribute to crime:
The Atlantic Center and Atlantic Terminal shopping centers are located immediately north of the project site, also within the boundaries of Sector 88E. In an effort to determine whether a large proportion of crimes reported for Sector 88E might have occurred on the Atlantic Center/Atlantic Terminal premises rather than on the project site, crime data were obtained from the security staff at the shopping centers.
Based on this data, which reflects incidents occurring within the Atlantic Center and Atlantic Terminal shopping and parking areas as well as on the surrounding sidewalks, it is unlikely that a large proportion of crimes in sector 88E occurred on the Atlantic Center or Atlantic Terminal premises. For example, while there were 39 robberies in sector 88E in 2005, the shopping center security records indicate that no robberies occurred that year at Atlantic Center or Atlantic Terminal. Similarly, while there were 115 grand larceny crimes reported for sector 88E in 2005, the shopping center security force recorded only one incident of larceny that same year. Although crimes catalogued by the Atlantic Center and Atlantic Terminal security staff are not necessarily the same as those catalogued by the NYPD, the relatively low number of crimes reported at the shopping centers indicates that the high crime rate in sector 88E is more likely a result of crimes occurring on the project site than in Atlantic Center or Atlantic Terminal.

(Emphasis added)

FCR's blight?

However, the report makes no attempt to assess whether the Atlantic Center mall contributes to a higher crime rate at its exterior. The blank wall along half of the building's perimeter discourages street life. Planner Ron Shiffman has called the mall "a failed design with a limited life expectancy that constitutes a major blighting on the border of Fort Greene."

Similarly, it does not assess whether the blank walls around the retail structures at Forest City Ratner's Site 5 foster crime. The General Project Plan looks disparagingly at Site 5, calling it "significantly underutilized," as "Blank walls with no glazing and few breaks or entrances abut four public streets."

Other locations with crime?

More importantly, the report improperly suggests that there are only two sources of potential crime within sector 88E: Forest City Ratner's two malls or the northern blocks of the project footprint. As the map above indicates, sector 88E contains several other blocks north of the footprint and east of the mall. One large block, for example, contains Atlantic Terminal Site 4B, the tallest residential property in the city public housing stock (right).

Is there a higher crime rate around the housing project--which has an outdated and isolating tower-in-a-park design--than in the precinct as a whole? Is there a higher crime rate in any of the other blocks within sector 88E?

We don't know. But we do know that the researchers writing the blight report should have asked more questions before assigning blame to the project site.

"It is, after all, America": FCR's Stuckey, on Brian Lehrer, defends profit goals

WNYC's Brian Lehrer Show yesterday featured another shadow debate on the Atlantic Yards project, this time keyed to the release of the Draft Environmental Impact Statement (DEIS), issued Tuesday by the Empire State Development Corporation (ESDC).

While Jeff Baker, attorney for Develop Don’t Destroy Brooklyn (DDDB), and Jim Stuckey, president of Forest City Ratner's Atlantic Yards Development Group, didn't address each other directly, and there wasn't enough time for all the questions that needed to be asked, both had a chance to get their talking points on the table.

Most notably, Stuckey would not reveal the company's expected profit--a required element in the company's bid for the Metropolitan Transportation Authority's (MTA) Vanderbilt Yard--but said that such numbers would emerge after the project is completed. FCR's investment in infrastructure is considerable, he said, and deserves to turn a profit. "It is, after all, America," he added.

While it's hard to dispute that investment shouldn't have the opportunity to generate profit, the question of whether it "is... America" will be at the heart of the eminent domain lawsuit DDDB is expected to file. The Supreme Court's decision last year in the Kelo eminent domain case emphasized the importance of a redevelopment plan, and Justice Anthony Kennedy's concurrence looked askance on eminent domain deriving from what might appear to be a sweetheart deal.

And there's evidence of such a deal in Brooklyn. The developer devised the project, and city and state officials endorsed it, without any RFP (request for proposals), and 18 months before the Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA) solicited bids for the railyard, which would be more than one-third of the project footprint.

Baker on blight

Baker disputed the ESDC's determination of blight at the site:
It’s obviously flawed. They’re counting as an element of blight, the Vanderbilt Yard railyard. I’m not sure it qualifies as blight; it’s an active use by the MTA and LIRR… There’s been no effort by any state or city authority for at least the last 30 years to develop it. It could also be considered an asset.

He added that the deterioration of some buildings within the footprint could be "considered developer’s blight," since the decayed under Forest City Ratner's ownership.

Lehrer noted that the state cited “a diversity of ownership that hindered site assemblage" necessary for the project. Baker responded:
That’s sort of a Catch-22, because they’re saying, "We want to create a big project, because we have this vision for an arena, but we can’t do it, because unfortunately a lot of people own it and they may not want to sell it to us." That’s not blight, that just means that there’s not enough properties there that Mr. Ratner can acquire on his own so he needs the state to help him.

Change in administration?

Governor George Pataki has endorsed the project, and Lehrer asked what Eliot Spitzer, the Democratic frontrunner to succeed Pataki, might do. Baker said:
He’s been generally supportive of the project, but he’s going to be more honest about the subsidies. If he’s a man of his word in terms of clearing up the corruption of the current administration and the cronyism that’s involved, while everybody is in favor of redeveloping the area and providing affordable housing, it’s all an issue of scale.
What we don’t have here, and the document is completely silent on, what’s driving the overall scale of the project, what is the total amount of subsidies coming from the government, and what’s the profit element that Ratner is getting, which determines the enormous scale of this project, which creates all the impacts.


Well, the document isn't completely silent on the subsidies, the numbers can be heard to tease out. Expect more analysis in the future.

Why the scale

The scale is driven not just by the profit, but by the interplay between profit and politics. Forest City Ratner could make more of a profit by building only market-rate housing, but now plans 2250 market-rate rentals, 2250 affordable rentals, and 2360 market-rate condos.

However, the presence of the affordable units, which make the project bulkier, has allowed Forest City Ratner to gain political and public support for the project, and to argue that their goal is to provide affordable housing.

Scoffing at the DEIS

Lehrer noted that the DEIS said the project would bring "over $1 billion in net tax revenue," to which Baker responded, “We think it’s probably highly inflated.” He said the document minimized some of the environmental impacts:
They make the frankly ridiculous statement that adding 15,000 or so residents will not be an increased demand on police or fire services. That defies credibility.

Actually, the DEIS said there would be "no significant adverse impact," a murkier phrase, since it doesn't discuss increased costs.

"Grossly inadequate" timetable

Baker closed with some pointed comments about the timing of the document and the scheduling of a public hearing on August 23:
It’s a grossly inadequate public comment period…The community boards are on recess.
The 60-day comment period is, considering the scale of this project and how long the ESDC has been working on this, is an insult. Sixty days is ridiculously short. By comparison, there’s a project that you may be aware of up in the Catskills, in the New York City watershed, that is proposing to build hotels and golf courses, the Belleayre project. That project had a 140-day public comment period on the DEIS, and New York City DEP was one of the agencies urging an extended public comment period.


Stuckey defends DEIS

Stuckey had a lot more time to read the DEIS and familiarize himself with its contents, since, as he said, "It’s a disclosure document and a planning document." Regarding traffic, he pointed out that only 8 percent of the turns analyzed at 93 intersections showed significant adverse impacts and can’t be mitigated.

Then he went on offense:
More importantly, we put together a 15-point transportation plan that’s more progressive and more aggressive than has been done for any major project.
The EIS found that, you could substantially reduce the amount of residential development, and it wouldn’t have a an impact on traffic… already in the system or because of commercial uses.


He added that one of the alternatives examined by the DEIS, the Pacific Plan--which came not from the community-planning process but local architect Doug Hamilton--showed as many impacts on traffic. Stuckey cited the developer's innovations aimed at reducing traffic to arena events, including remote parking, a 400-bike parking station, an agreement to subsidize MetroCard use, and high occupancy vehicle parking lots. Those are steps forward--after all, the arena won't work if people can't get there--but transportation engineer Brian Ketcham has said the problem of traffic goes far beyond the arena.

What about schools?

Lehrer asked about new schools for the large population that would arrive by 2016. Stuckey responded: The EIS says it could be done in a number of ways… That’s a discussion and decision that has to be ultimately made by DOE [Department of Education], but we have agreed at Building 5, at 6th and Atlantic, would make space available, should the city decide to put a school at that location.

Lehrer: You’d offer space for a school?

Stuckey: We’ve designed space to be available. Ultimately how it gets paid for is a discussion between us and the city based on where they choose to put that location.

Shadows

Lehrer pointed out that shadows would fall significantly on the Atlantic Terminal 4B housing project across Atlantic Avenue, the tallest building in the city's public housing system. Stuckey responded:
We worked for months to design a shadowless building, and we weren’t able to do it.
But he pointed out that alternatives would have a worse effect.

Lehrer was skeptical, asking whether lower buildings would cast more intrusive shadows. Stuckey responded:
Lower wider buildings cast shadows that would cover areas for a greater period of time.

Stuckey added that new landscaping at the housing project could mitigate the impact of shadows.

Back to affordable housing

Stuckey took the opportunity to return to the developer's strongest argument:
What can’t be lost, though, is that, in the course of doing this project, at the end of it, in a city that’s growing by a million people between now and 2020, where you have tremendous lack of affordability and affordable housing, at the end of this we will be creating a significant amount of affordable and middle income housing and in order to do that we obviously have to construct this project.

He added that the project would be "incredibly sustainable," with several environmental innovations, including the "first LEED-certified arena in the country

What about profit?

Daniel Goldstein of DDDB called in to challenge Stuckey:
This project would be the densest residential community in the United Stases by almost twice the existing densest community. What is Forest City Ratner's profit on this project? That has never been released publicly, and I don’t know if it has been privately to government. Can we have his answer?

Stuckey: I know the profit question is asked many time. We’re not going to discuss the profit on a project that hasn’t gone through a public approval process yet. We’re a public company. We have annual reports…In order to get whatever profit we ultimately do make, we also have to spend a tremendous amount of money on infrastructure that the government isn’t paying for, and no one else has stepped up to the table to pay for for many many years.

Goldstein asked Stuckey how the scale could be justified, but Lehrer intervened to ask why the profit issue was relevant.

Goldstein: The MTA’s RFP required a 20-year profit-loss statement from the developers. Extell gave one, Forest City Ratner did not give one. We can’t understand the justification for such a dense project unless we know what the profit margins are to defend this immense density.

Stuckey: Number one, we’re a private company but we do have public statements that people will be able to read. We are in the very early stages of a project that has not gone through a public approval process yet…At the end of the day, until this project is approved, until we see what the ultimate cost of the infrastructure will be, it’s very hard to make these determinations. But when we are through this project, the information will be available through our annual reports.

Infrastructure driving density

Lehrer: That’s afterwards. Maybe the point doesn’t have to be so dense for the company to make a reasonable profit.

Stuckey said it was an issue of infrastructure: It’s not a complicated question on density. You don’t really need to go to our profit. The one thing I think that was interestingly and suspiciously missing from the so-called alternative plans was the cost of how they did those projects and how any developer could make money. There are $650 million worth of public infrastructure that has to be built before the first shovel goes into the ground to build a single affordable housing apartment or the arena or any other part of this project. There’s another $350 million of cost, of money that we would have spent on acquiring land to avoid condemnation. A billion dollars before you start. I think that’s a very significant investment. That does deserve to make a profit. It is, after all, America.

That statement deserves some footnoting. Stuckey cited $600 million in infrastructure two months ago. He estimated at $500 million 19 months ago.

Would the cost have been less had the scale of the 22-acre project not upset some community groups and delayed approval? And do Stuckey's numbers apply to other plans? The Extell project would be built over the 8.3-acre railyard alone, so the costs of infrastructure would be somewhat less, and the cost of acquisition limited to the railyard, not all the properties around it.

Eminent domain

Lehrer asked Stuckey if eminent domain is "a bullying tactic."

Stuckey: This area has been considered blighted since 1968 when the first Atlantic Terminal Urban Renewal Plan was adopted. About 60, 65% of the area fell within that urban renewal area and was considered to be a blighted area. Those findings when the Downtown Brooklyn plan was approved two years ago were reaffirmed. These are not new. The crime in these areas is substantially higher than areas around it. There are many deteriorated and vacant lots. I know some people will say, "Gee, Forest City purchased buildings and then they became deteriorated and fell down." You can’t buy a building a year ago that’s brick and stone and have it fall down in a year. These buildings had been vacant, deteriorated and eyesores going back for many many years.

Note that the blocks where Forest City Ratner must acquire most of the properties for the project are in solid blue--blocks not within ATURA, which is designated in red (including the grayish red) The rest of the project would encompass the blocks crosshatched in blue and red.

The purpose of eminent domain

Stuckey said the developer had acquired over 90 percent of the site. Lehrer seized on an apparent contradiction:
You’re saying you won’t release your projected profits because you’re a private company, but then you’re saying you can use eminent domain because the project is for the public good.

Stuckey: The use of eminent domain is because the state has found this is a blighted area in need of redevelopment, and this has been a finding that’s existed going back close to 40 years.

Again, however, the part of the footprint housing most of the properties subject to eminent domain is not part of ATURA.

What about Spitzer?

Lehrer asked the same question about a future Spitzer administration. Stuckey responded: I really have no knowledge of what the next governor would say about our project, although I do believe that most of the candidates feel very strongly that the need to take care of affordable housing is a critical agenda item…There are 240,000 people who are on Section 8 waiting lists for as long as eight years trying to get housing. It is a real serious problem… In areas all over the city, housing is critical.

The project, if completed on schedule, would deliver the full complement of affordable housing by 2016, ten years from now.

Wednesday, July 19, 2006

DEIS released; AY cost reaches $4.2 billion; Gargano, Stuckey defend scale; hearing August 23

The Council of Brooklyn Neighborhoods dubbed it a “mid-summer surprise.” Develop Don’t Destroy Brooklyn called it a “contemptible slap in the face to the people of Brooklyn and the taxpayers of New York State.” Jim Stuckey, president of Forest City Ratner’s Atlantic Yards Development Group, called it “a very good day for the thousands of families that will be looking for affordable housing.” And Charles Gargano, chairman of the Empire State Development Corporation (ESDC), called it another step toward—to paraphrase the developer’s now-shelved slogan—hoops, jobs, and housing.

They were reacting to the ESDC’s release of a massive set of documents, a General Project Plan and a Draft Environmental Impact Statement (EIS), with a tight schedule for approvals. Community groups and others concerned about the largest project in the history of Brooklyn must gear up for a public hearing on August 23 and a follow-up community forum September 12, with a public comment period ending September 23.

If all proceeds smoothly—a big if--a Final EIS could emerge in late fall, then the ESDC could approve the project, which then would have to get past the Public Authorities Control Board, one of whose three members, Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver, effectively killed the West Side Stadium project but has not expressed such concerns about Atlantic Yards.

Construction could begin by the end of the year, for a first phase completion by 2010 and a final buildout by 2016, but promised litigation to block the use of eminent domain could delay or even kill the project.

The DEIS offers dramatic support for the project, asserting major economic and community benefits, but the issues raised are multitudinous, and surely will provoke much debate and study. The document has already drawn skepticism from DDDB regarding its assumptions about economic benefits and from the Village Voice regarding its claims about displacement,

The document acknowledges “significant adverse impacts” regarding cultural resources, traffic, and noise, as well as construction impacts, but says that the provision of housing, improving railroad facilities, and “enhancing the vitality of the Atlantic Terminal area” outweigh any negatives. Then again, such documents are shaped to encourage development, and lobbyist Richard Lipsky—now also a Forest City Ratner lobbyist--has described AKRF, which produced the DEIS, as “accommodating consultants.”

While some big news is obvious—a project cost rising to $4.2 billion, with the country’s most expensive arena getting even more pricey--some interesting details are buried within the document, such as the placement of interim surface parking lots or the revelation that the number of construction jobs will seesaw radically. (“Thank you for providing about 15 inches of reading material,” one ESDC board member commented to Gargano, right, in an otherwise pro forma meeting. Several representatives of Atlantic Yards Community Benefits Agreement signatories like BUILD and ACORN helped make the session SRO.)

The New York Daily News, in an article headlined Yards impact report 'absurd,' critic says, focused on the document's failure to find adverse impacts on emergency services, subways, libraries, and hospitals. The New York Sun, in an article headlined In Push for Atlantic Yards Project, State Touts Eminent Domain, focused on the state's finding of blight, which a lawyer for DDDB said was "an artificial construct" caused when the December 2003 project announcement stymied development. The New York Post, in an article headlined RATNER'S GOT HIGH 'HOOPS': NETS DEAL 'DONE, reported a bit prematurely that the ESDC "signed off on the megadeveloper's massive project,"

The New York Times, in an article headlined Measuring a Project’s Shadow, and Burden, on Brooklyn, had the most wide-ranging coverage, including a graphic of congestion spots, photos of traffic congestion, a graphic of congestion spots, and the observation that "Dozens of crowded intersections would be choked with more traffic."

But the fundamental issue is scale, with the 6860 apartments likely bringing more than 15,000 new residents, perhaps 17,170 or even 19,000. The DEIS conservatively predicts 14,410 residents, using an estimate of 2.1 people per unit.

Defending density

At Tuesday’s press conference, held after the ESDC board meeting, Gargano found himself pressured by reporters mindful of the significant community opposition to the project, expressed in a rally Sunday at Grand Army Plaza. Asked what he’d say to the thousands of demonstrators, Gargano responded, “We hope we can give them a comfort level that this project will be good for the community.”

Can the project be significantly scaled back? “I don’t believe it can be,” Gargano said. “You’re not going to get developers to build if they’ll lose money.” He expressed a little more flexibility after a follow-up question. Forest City Ratner initially announced the project at about 8 million square feet, increased it to 9.132 million square feet last year, and recently offered a 5 percent cut. Another 5 percent cut would still keep the project size above the initial figure.

Assemblyman Jim Brennan and others have proposed a reduction of at least 30 percent, while architect Jonathan Cohn has suggested a figure of 5 million square feet. The ESDC would override local zoning for this project, which bypasses city land use review.

Stuckey held an impromptu press conference on the sidewalk outside ESDC headquarters at 633 Third Avenue. He described those protesting the mega-development as “some people who live close in not liking tall buildings.”

He added, as the Times noted, “And I have to tell you that for most people who need affordable housing, that’s just not an argument that washes." The developer has cited the affordable housing to justify the scale of the project, but, given that the scale is not regulated by zoning, that makes the project size a privately-negotiated zoning bonus, rather than an inclusionary zoning package as negotiated by City Council for the Greenpoint and Williamsburg waterfront.

Daniel Goldstein, spokesman for Develop Don’t Destroy Brooklyn, was listening nearby, and soon denounced Stuckey's "not liking tall buildings" statement as “gobbledygook,” adding that community concerns extended to “extreme density,” “massive taxpayer subsidies,” eminent domain, and several other issues.

(Goldstein also took the photo above of Stuckey answering press questions; helping out NY1 was Forest City Ratner’s spokesman Joe DePlasco of Dan Klores Communications.)

Stuckey repeated that the density of the project, as expressed in Floor Area Ratio (FAR), was similar to many buildings in the city. Gargano also observed that “we are a city of skyscrapers.” But neither were willing to grapple with whether the project, as statistics suggest, would pack many more people into its footprint than any other project—as the New York Observer pointed out, would likely be double the next most dense housing census tract, in West Harlem.

“I believe these [buildings] have been reviewed by the city of New York and our staff, how they fit in with the existing neighborhood,” Gargano declared. Indeed, design guidelines direct the taller buildings to the west and the north, closer to the transit hub, with the buildings on lower-scale Dean Street including setbacks to better harmonize with the neighborhood. But those still don’t grapple with the density issue.

The DEIS says simply, “The location of the project site, with a new connection to Brooklyn’s largest transportation hub, makes it suitable for high-density development.” It acknowledges that the density would be “substantially greater than nearly all of the surrounding area,” but says the density “would generally be compatible with the buildings to the north of the project site in Downtown Brooklyn.”

(Most quotes are from the Executive Summary.)

Project cost balloons

The cost of the Frank Gehry-designed project has grown by two-thirds since the December 2003, when it was announced at $2.5 billion. Last year, the cost was said to be $3.5 billion, while now it would be $4.2 billion, due in part to increased construction costs, site acquisition costs, infrastructure costs, the railyard bid increase from $50 million to $100 million, and a closer analysis of actual costs.

The rising costs, declared Gargano, made it vital that the project be approved expeditiously. There’s likely another reason; his patron, Governor George Pataki, surely wants to preside over a groundbreaking ceremony before he leaves office at the end of the year.

Most expensive arena ever, redux

As noted the Brooklyn Arena would be, by far, the most expensive arena ever in this country, but the previous cost, $555.3 million, has now increased to $637.2 million.

Note that the term vomitory in the graphic at right means "an entrance to an amphitheater or stadium," though it also can have a more pejorative meaning. (Image provided by ESDC from Gehry Partners.)

Affordable housing, little displacement?

Stuckey's citation of affordable housing again signaled the developer’s new emphasis on providing housing as opposed to jobs, since the job projections have been cut significantly. (Of the projected 6860 apartments, 2250 would be designated as affordable for low-, moderate-, and middle-income people, and subsidized through tax-exempt city and state bonds.)

While City Council Member Charles Barron has called the project “instant gentrification,” the DEIS disagrees. It states that “At-risk households in the study area have been decreasing and will probably continue to do so without the proposed project.” Moreover, it suggests that the project is no radical break: “First, the housing introduced would be similar in tenure (owner vs. renter), size, and affordability to the housing mix in the study area. Second, the substantial number of housing units to be added could alleviate upward pressure on rental rates.”

That's debatable. The chapter on Socioeconomic Conditions states: "As of the 2000 Census, approximately 59 percent of all renter households in the ¾-mile study area were spending less than 30 percent of their household income on housing costs. This is similar to the proportion of affordable units planned as part of the proposed project."

While the affordable units would be half of the 4500 rentals, the addition of 2360 market-rate condos means that the project would include less than 33 percent affordable units--and likely an even smaller percentage of the housing space would go to those units.

What about blight?

Asked whether the area was blighted, a requirement for the expected use of eminent domain, Gargano’s answers were fuzzy. He noted that the Metropolitan Transportation Authority’s Vanderbilt Yard is “not utilized today,” though actually it’s a functioning railyard, which will be moved.

He cited the failure of local officials to build a new Ebbets Field on the site in the 1950s. Actually, stadium locations were proposed not on the site footprint but nearby. Could the area really be blighted, given that a condo in the Newswalk building on the south-central block omitted from the footprint just sold for $500 a square foot? Gargano said he hadn’t heard about the transaction. (ESDC staff conducted a more formal “blight study.”)

The DEIS describes “a largely abandoned-looking area of Brooklyn,” though that doesn’t acknowledge some of the organic redevelopment that had been occurring, but was stalled by the Atlantic Yards announcement and acquisition of property by the developer. It states: "The blighted conditions appear to be limited in large part to the project site itself." That likely will be used by DDDB's lawyer to support the "artificial construct" claim.

Forest City Ratner owns or controls about 90 percent of the properties in the project footprint; under eminent domain, the remaining properties would be acquired by ESDC and conveyed back to the developer. The project would displace about 60 residential households (5 owner-occupied and 55 rental units), involving about 118 people, and 13 commercial occupants, with about 185 employees. (A homeless shelter, whose residents were not counted in the above totals, would be relocated.) Commercial tenants would get relocation assistance and residential tenants would be offered comparable living space in the project--though there are questions about the terms of that relocation agreement.

Site 5, the plot of land at Flatbush and Fourth avenues housing P.C. Richard and Modell's, is described as "significantly underutilized," as "Blank walls with no glazing and few breaks or entrances abut four public streets." That's an argument for greater development, according to the General Project Plan. What it doesn't say is that the site was developed by Forest City Ratner, which long had the right to build at a significant scale, and now has the option to build even bigger, with condemnation of the part of the property it doesn't control.

Firing them up at Freddy’s

The DEIS flatly states that there’s little life in the footprint. “The project site, as it now stands, does not contain any of the community character that defines the surrounding neighborhoods.” While there are indeed strong contrasts between the site and more fully realized neighborhoods, that statement discounts some of the life in the footprint, notably at the community hub Freddy’s.

Economic impact

The ESDC estimated that the project would provide 4700 jobs, including 2420 office jobs, and would stimulate nearly 1900 other jobs in the city. However, the project was initially promoted as providing 10,000 office jobs, a pledge revised after the developer converted proposed residential space to more lucrative luxury housing.

In another place, the DEIS offers broader claims: “Once constructed, the annual operation of the completed project would support approximately 8,400 to 18,200 direct and indirect permanent jobs in New York City, and approximately 10,200 to 22,100 direct and indirect permanent jobs overall in New York State—with the first number in each case being that of the residential mixed-use variation and the second the commercial mixed-use variation.”

While the project would get $100 million in direct subsidies from the city and state, the total public costs remain somewhat vague. Reuters pointed out that the arena "will be financed through tax-exempt bonds backed by payments in lieu of taxes" and that such "PILOT bonds are often used by local governments as an incentive to attract private developers because their payments are lower than what they would have had to pay in real estate taxes."

As the Times summed it up:
The general project plan also projects that Atlantic Yards will generate a total of $1.91 billion in total tax revenue over 30 years, calculated as net present value. The city and state together would contribute about $500 million to the project, a mix of direct payments, tax exemptions and financing costs. Overall, according to those projections, the development as currently proposed would produce about $1.4 billion in net tax revenues to the city and state.

That number is smaller, by about $200 million, from the projections made by the developer's own consultant, sports economist Andrew Zimbalist, but it was derived through a very different methodology, not counting the income taxes of project residents--a controversial tactic used by Zimbalist. Stuckey said the state was more conservative in its methodology but emphasized the overall benefit.

There are other carrots. For example, city streets and other city property underlying the arena would be acquired for $1, while other city streets and properties would be acquired at fair market value. Various state programs could provide energy cost savings for the arena.

The project would provide more than 15,344 construction jobs, as expressed in job-years, but, interestingly enough, the number of jobs would seesaw, in the first phase from as few as 340 jobs in a quarter to 3710 and in the second from 420 to 2215. That would lead to an average of 1500 jobs a year over 10 years, but it suggests that some workers would work only seasonally. (Click on the charts for a better view.)

Parking surface and below

The project would ultimately provide 3800 below-grade spaces, but not until 2016. By the end of Phase I, in 2010, there would be 750 permanent spaces in two onsite garages, one at Site 5 and another on the arena block. (Final parking plan at right.)

Another 1596 temporary spaces would be provided in three temporary parking lots, one a 182-space below grade parking lot on the north-central block, another a 470-space lot on the surface of that lot, and a 944-space surface lot on one half of the southeast block, with access from both Carlton and Vanderbilt Avenue. Later, four more garages would be built, with the largest under that southeast block.

Some 55 percent of construction workers are projected to travel by auto. Parking demand for construction workers would reach 916 vehicles during the peak year, so that southeast surface lot would become a for-fee construction worker parking lot. The rest of that block would be used as a staging area for construction materials, equipment, and trucks. (Note that the parking lots would not take up the entire blocks noted on the graphic.)

Open space—better than nothing?

The much-touted seven acres of publicly accessible open space, designed by Laurie Olin, would be made available by 2016, and include “plazas, fountains, boardwalks, water features, lawns, and active play areas.” Though city guidelines recommend 2.5 acres for 1000 residents—which would suggest another 22+ acres would be needed--the DEIS finesses the issue, saying something is better than nothing: “In sum, because the proposed project would provide more open space to users than is currently available, no significant adverse impact on open space and recreational resources would result.”

The city’s open space goals “are often not feasible for many areas of the city.” The DEIS does say that “the availability of large open spaces nearby (Prospect Park and Fort Greene Park)” would help address deficiencies as people wait for the seven acres to become available.

FCR's Stuckey called the seven acres of open space "an incredible commodity."

Bye Ward bakery

While the Municipal Art Society and others have suggested saving the historically valuable Ward Bakery on Pacific Street, the DEIS says it’s just not possible: “Demolition of the former LIRR Stables at 700 Atlantic Avenue and the former Ward Bread Bakery complex at 800 Pacific Street would be significant adverse impacts. The potential reuse of these properties as part of the proposed project has been studied, but it was concluded that there is no feasible or prudent alternative to demolishing them.”

The clock will be blocked

As for the views of the iconic Williamsburgh Savings Bank tower, well, they won’t exist from Flatbush Avenue: “The proposed project would obscure views of the Williamsburgh Savings Bank Building from south of the project site along the Flatbush Avenue corridor and from certain other vantage points, which would be a significant adverse historic resources impact. Views of this resource would be preserved from other principal view corridors, including 4th Avenue, Atlantic Avenue (from the east and the west), and Flatbush Avenue from the north.”

To preserve the views, either two buildings would have to be eliminated or the arena would have to be moved. Meanwhile, “the project “would create new visual resources,” given the new skyline.

Bright nights?

The project would provide some new glitz at the corner of Atlantic and Flatbush: “Additional signage and lighting would also be allowed on the Urban Room (to its full height), on Building 1 [aka “Miss Brooklyn”] (to a height of 60 feet), and on the arena façade (to a height of 40 feet); however, this additional permitted signage would have to be sufficiently transparent to make activity within the building and the interior architecture visible to passersby, and to allow people within the building to view the exterior."

What about traffic?

Everyone knows traffic is a problem, and the DEIS identifies significant adverse impacts at numerous intersections analyzed. The mitigation measures would include increased subway service, onsite bicycle parking, and a reconfiguration of the main intersection.

To manage traffic, Forest City Ratner has proposed several strategies. Notably, the DEIS projects 500 spaces (up to 20 percent of the demand) at remote sites, mainly at MetroTech (also owned by FCR), and also at the western edge of Atlantic Avenue near the Brooklyn-Queens Expressway. Arena parking would be limited to high-occupancy vehicles, with a three or more person for vehicle requirement after 5 pm on game days. A two-trip MetroCard may be offered to ticketholders at a 50 percent discount. A cross-marketing program with area attractions and businesses would encourage arena attendees to spread out arrival and departure surges, with some activities sponsored by the Nets before and after the games.

The project would involve several roadway and pedestrian circulation changes, including a new lane along Flatbush Avenue between Atlantic Avenue and Dean Street, and a new underground connection to the Atlantic Terminal transit hub. The site also would include a new bicycle path.

Still, the DEIS acknowledges that, “In 2016, with mitigation, all significant impacts would be fully mitigated at 29 out of 68 intersections; some but not all significant impacts would be mitigated at a further 37 intersections, and no significant impacts would be mitigated at a total of two intersections.”

The construction of the project also would have a major impact: “However, certain significant adverse traffic impacts identified at 10 intersections adjacent to the project site would remain unmitigated.”

“Because of the size of the project site, its location at a major transportation crossroad, and the complexities of building over the rail yard, it is not possible to develop the site without some temporary significant adverse noise and traffic impacts,” the DEIS states.

Subways OK--really?

This may shock some commuters, but the lines that would serve the project are apparently underutilized, according to the DEIS: “All subway routes serving the project site are expected to continue to operate below their practical capacity in the peak direction in the 8-9 AM and 5-6 PM commuter peak periods with the proposed project in 2010 and 2016. The proposed project would therefore not result in significant adverse impacts on subway line haul conditions.

Community facilities, no prob

The DEIS concludes that there would be no significant adverse impacts on either fire or police protection, though the document does not discuss—as several community organizations requested—the issue of terrorism. The document also doesn’t clearly address the issue of costs, saying merely that “NYPD has protocols to successfully police large venues.”

The Independent Budget Office last year observed that "costs to the city for policing the new Nets arena could be significant." DDDB was doubtful about the traffic impact on police service.

Green design & managing overflows

The DEIS suggests that, as Forest City Ratner has stressed, wastewater management would improve, thus leading to a net reduction in stormwater discharges: “These measures include: water conservation to reduce sanitary wastewater flows; on-site detention and retention tanks for stormwater with multi-level discharge points to optimize storage; and re-use of captured stormwater within the project site.”
Other

Sustainable design

The section on sustainable design measures is worth some quotation. Those currently planned include::
• Landscaping design with focus on storm water management;
• Use of high albedo materials for roofs and sidewalks, where possible, and incorporation of a green roof on the arena;
• Additional storm water management tanks to limit runoff into the City sewer/water system and to provide possible irrigation source for open spaces;
• Rainwater use for irrigation and cooling tower make-up; and • Use of high efficiency water fixtures such as sensing flow restrictors, low flow toilets, faucets and showers, drip irrigation, and, in the arena, waterless urinals.

The DEIS tantalizingly states that the project sponsors are considering additional measures, including:
• Use of high performance glazing and envelope assemblies, solar shading devices, daylight controls, occupancy sensors, energy efficient lighting, and Energy Star appliances;
• Utilization of native plants requiring minimal irrigation, and strategies such as rain gardens;bioswales, vegetated filters, buffers, and permeable paving;
• Use of micro turbines, displacement ventilation, free cooling, and heat recovery;
• Use of renewable technologies such as photovoltaics;
• Use of improved ventilation systems to improve indoor air quality standards;
• Use of low-emitting materials and materials with high recycled content/renewable or sustainably harvested materials;
• Use of locally and/or regionally extracted or manufactured materials where feasible; and
• Diversion of demolition and construction waste from landfills and to recycling and reuse where feasible.

Alternatives dismissed

The DEIS examines several alternatives but dismisses them as inadequate. The Extell plan for development over the railyard only “would not eradicate the blighted conditions of the project area and would realize substantially reduced economic benefits,” and wouldn’t enhance the LIRR rail yard.

A lower-density plan including the arena, known as the Pacific Plan “would have substantially fewer benefits in terms of affordable housing, and publicly accessible open space, and would not provide a drill track for the LIRR rail yard improvement.”

AY or nothing?

There’s a curious line in the chapter on land use: “The project site is not anticipated to experience substantial change in the future without the proposed project by 2016 due to the existence of the open rail yard and the low-density industrial zoning regulations.”

That's an argument for this project, but it doesn’t necessarily reflect the city’s reality. Hasn’t the city begun rezoning neighborhoods to preserve their scale and to encourage affordable housing? What would be the effect of a rezoning along these blocks in Prospect Heights? And what if the city bid for the railyard and made improvements to hasten development, as it proposes with the Hudson Yards?

Tuesday, July 18, 2006

Reality warp: Errol Louis, Daily News praise AY housing info session

Errol Louis continues to warp reality, most notably in his latest "Commerce and Community" column in the black-oriented Our Time Press. In a segment headlined Housing Fight at Atlantic Yards, Louis summarizes the affordable housing information session held on July 11:
A mostly-black crowd of more than 2,500 people packed the hotel ballroom to hear about the housing, which would be the largest influx of low-cost apartments in Brooklyn in decades. According to the project’s plans, 900 apartments would be reserved for low-income households making $35,450 or less for a family of four – basically, families living in poverty.
Another 450 units would be set aside for families of four earning $70,900 or less – the kind of family where two parents are working for low wages. Over 200 apartments will be reserved for needy senior citizens. And another 900 would be for families of four making up to $113,400 – the kind of families where there might be two city workers, like teachers or cops.


Even though Louis wrote that "The high stakes of the fight over Atlantic Yards were on full display," he apparently didn't witness that display. Did he? I asked him via email, and he responded: "I won't be answering any questions from you, as I have serious doubts about your integrity."

Had he attended, he would have noticed that attendees were none too pleased. Then again, he could've read the Daily News (the newspaper where he works), which, in a 7/12/06 article headlined Brooklyn Yards pitch finds few bargains, reported that "the consensus... was: Don't hold your breath." The reasons: "approval... is months away" and "the first of the 2,250 subsidized units won't be available for years - and there's a lottery to see who gets a place."

No skepticism from Louis

Louis criticized me and others for skepticism about the meeting:
The profound need for the housing was, of course, treated with scorn and derision by Atlantic Yards opponents. Blogger Norman Oder was first off the mark, condemning the meeting on his Web site before it even took place. The other antidevelopment regulars like Daniel Goldstein and Councilwoman Tish James dutifully followed suit, dismissing the meeting as a publicity stunt.

First, I didn't condemn the meeting but pointed out that it was premature and most likely a publicity stunt. I acknowledge the need for housing; that's why I pointed out that advocacy for reform of the 421-a tax break would be a better way to produce affordable housing.

I questioned whether ACORN would raise the issue at the session--and ACORN didn't do so. And my skepticism of the meeting's timing was borne out by the attendees' frustration.

Needs of the many?

Louis writes:
It goes without saying that Oder, Goldstein and James will probably never, in their whole lives, arrange a "publicity stunt" involving billions of dollars and enabling thousands of low-income and working-class New Yorkers to have a place to live. But this project has always been about the needs of many against the desires of the few. The thousands who attended the meeting represent the real future of the city; here’s hoping they get the chance at housing they truly deserve.

Louis, of course, ignores that the housing would be subsidized by government agencies, and that the monies might be redirected to build more affordable housing elsewhere--and much faster. He doesn't bother to report on the skepticism raised by many meeting attendees. He doesn't ponder the possibility that the desires of the few might be Forest City Ratner and its stakeholders.

Daily News editorial

The same air of unreality pervades a Daily News editorial published yesterday, headlined Real housing for the real Brooklyn. It criticizes Rosie Perez, a member of the advisory board of Develop Don't Destroy Brooklyn, for saying: "I'm all for development, but I'm not for the betterment of the filthy rich....My nabe was like my private Mayberry."

The editorial states:
Yo, Rosie. This isn't Mayberry; it's Prospect Heights, and Prospect Heights and all of Brooklyn desperately need affordable housing. Those who would benefit are not the "filthy rich." Indeed, that term more aptly applies to smug celebs who are slamming the project from the comfort of their homes in California and the Hamptons.
Last week, more than 2,500 real New Yorkers packed a ballroom at the Brooklyn Marriott to hear a presentation on the estimated 2,250 units of low-cost housing that would be built as part of Atlantic Yards, benefitting families who languish for as long as eight years on waiting lists for public housing and Section 8 vouchers.


Let's acknowledge that Perez's quote can sound self-serving. Unfortunately, the editorial writer--I suspect Louis wrote it, but can't be sure--neglects to acknowledge the newspaper's own skeptical reporting about the housing session. On the Atlantic Yards issue, the Daily News is approaching a Wall Street Journal-like divide in which the ideologically-driven editorial page disregards the reporters' on-the-ground observations.

Low-cost housing?

It's doubtful that most Daily News readers would consider the subsidized housing uniformly "low-cost." Some 40 percent of the affordable units would rent for well over $2000 a month (for a four-person family). They would be "affordable," given the defnition of "affordable" as 30 percent of a family's income, but they wouldn't be cheap. (Click on the graphic at right for more details.)

Unfair summary

The editorial concludes:
But the naysayers - who have attacked the project from its inception - continue to argue for an empty little underdeveloped oasis. Hey, wait. Maybe Perez is right. You didn't see too many low-income families in Mayberry, did you?

The battle is not over stasis vs. Ratner's plan; it's over appropriate development versus overdevelopment. Any project built over the MTA's Vanderbilt Yard could and should contain affordable housing. But the presence of an affordable housing component shouldn't drive the scale of this project and its extreme density.

Forest City Ratner instantly converted the editorial into an e-newsletter. The news coverage, however, hasn't made it into the FCR press kit.

Housing session vs. rally

It was inevitable that some observers would contrast the turnout for the rally Sunday with the turnout for the affordable housing session, despite the fact that the attendees at the latter aren't necessarily enthusiastic supporters of the project as a whole.

Richard Lipsky of the Neighborhood Retail Alliance, who typically fights big box stores but has signed on as a Forest City Ratner lobbyist, pointed out that, depending on who you ask, generated somewhere between 2,000 and 4,000 folks to a rally against AY. If you accept the lower Times estimate there were more people who came out last week to an informal forum of FCRC to discuss the affordable housing opportunities at the development.

Lumi Rolley of NoLandGrab nailed the response:
No one would be "surprised" if more folks flocked to an airconditioned hotel meeting room looking for affordable housing than came to a rally in 90-degree-plus weather, where promoters didn't give out free stuff or the vague promise of "affordable housing." No wonder the seekers of affordable housing went home largely disappointed.

Note that other large gatherings of support for the Atlantic Yards project have involved construction unions, who stand to benefit from jobs, and members of BUILD and ACORN, two organizations that are signatories of the Community Benefits Agreement and recipients of funds from the developer.

Monday, July 17, 2006

DDDB rally no massive turnout, but resistance shows growth

The Develop Don’t Destroy Brooklyn (DDDB) rally yesterday at Grand Army Plaza was no watershed moment, neither a massive show of resistance nor an easily-dismissable handful of diehards, as Forest City Ratner’s Jim Stuckey describes the opposition.

Rather, it attracted a respectable number of Brooklynites, not the crowd of 4000 announced from the stage, but at least half that, if you count the transients and the many who retreated to the shady park section to escape the punishing heat. (A DDDB counter later estimated 3200; DDDB had predicted 2000.) As the New York Times noted in an article today headlined (too narrowly) Crowd Gathers to Protest Size of Atlantic Yards Plan, it was the largest demonstration against the project. The Times said the crowd "may have exceeded 2000" people. The New York Post said "thousands." (More photos here.)

The rally galvanized some new supporters in the fight against Forest City Ratner’s Atlantic Yards project. More than 1000 people signed DDDB petitions and a similar number signed postcards urging Assembly Speaker Sheldon Speaker to block the deal. As one of the three controlling votes on the Public Authorities Control Board, he has the power to do so, as he did with the West Side Stadium.

DDDB volunteers reported that about a third of the people they approached were signing postcards, so that's an argument for a crowd of 3000. Many of those signing were assumed to be new supporters, since those opposed to the project have previously had the opportunity to sign the petitions and postcards.

The signs said things like "No Arena," "No Extreme Density," "Build Affordable Housing," and "Too Darn Tall." Rally organizers provided fans and water, but those who forgot to bring sunscreen were on their own. There were few parents with kids—likely another casualty of the weather (or the summer weekend)--despite the announced presence of kiddie musician (and DDDB advisory board member) Dan Zanes, who drew 1400 people at a benefit concert six weeks ago. Among the vehicles driving by, a small but regular fraction honked in support.

(While no project proponents came to counter-protest, a couple of representatives of Dan Klores Communications, the p.r. and strategy firm working for Forest City Ratner, were observing the scene. Their boss, Joe DePlasco, offered a vague quote to the Times: “People have legitimate concerns that we have addressed, and will continue to address.")

New supporters, but diversity a challenge

While the rally attracted new supporters from Brooklyn’s brownstone belt—an article about the event and a half-page advertisement appeared in this weekend’s issue of the Brooklyn Papers—the crowd included a relatively small percentage of minorities. The race and class composition of the opposition remains an issue, since DDDB and invited speakers—most of whom were black--have emphasized that this should be a unified fight. “We say no to you dividing our community up,” declared City Council Member Charles Barron. “This is white and black and progressive and working class saying no to a billion-dollar developer.”

“This is not over,” Barron trumpeted, forecasting a new city government in 2009. “The mayor will be gone. The borough president will be gone. We’ve got a chance to stop this project.”

(It's hard to call the turnout a proxy for attitudes about the project. A political organizer who recently went door to door in the Atlantic Terminal 4B housing project in Fort Greene told me that he heard no enthusiasm for Atlantic Yards, though it didn't necessarily translate into support for DDDB. A member of Community Board 8, in Metro New York, commented, "I’m upset that people in the community didn’t show up before Ratner came up with a plan and say what we should do there." But he left out the responsibility of the government to seek proposals for the Vanderbilt Yard and area around it.)

Housing issues

After saying that the group shouldn't be slaves to development just because it promised jobs and affordable housing, Barron (right) declared, “While I’m at it, I’m looking for Magic Johnson.” He decried Johnson’s effort to convert the Williamsburgh Savings Bank to luxury apartments without any affordable housing. Indeed, just across from the rally site, One Prospect Park, Richard Meier’s 15-story luxury building, is under construction.

The Rev. Clinton Miller of Brown Memorial Baptist Church, gamely wearing his Sunday suit, pointed out that people who ask about affordable housing at the Atlantic Yards project are told that nothing would happen until 2009. (That’s when applications would be distributed for units made available in 2010.) “Why wait until 2009 to building housing we need right now,” he said. “We love basketball, but this is not about the game of basketball. It’s about who can grab the most real estate the quickest.”

Activist and entrepreneur Bob Law, a former Black Panther, criticized project supporters for accepting “anything he [Bruce Ratner] says. They say, ‘Ok, boss.’”

Law offered some counsel. “Don’t let this be the only issue you organize around,” he said. “Take advantage of that. Make this a permanent movement. Let DDDB be a significant organization, not a one-issue organization.”

Indeed, while simply pulling off the rally took many volunteer hours and the upcoming Atlantic Yards environmental review will require much analysis, DDDB has already influenced several political races—and has the potential to further influence discussions about development in Brooklyn.

Fighting the developers

“Turn up the heat on these greedy developers,” said Council Member Letitia James (right), who represents the district where the project would be built. Go to the polls and send a message, she asserted, reminding voters to support fellow project opponent State Senator Velmanette Montgomery, who has just received a primary challenge from Tracy Boyland. Montgomery later spoke, as well. (Photo from here.)

An unscheduled speaker was Council Member Tony Avella, who represents Bayside in Queens but has emerged as a strong critic of development. “We have to start saying no to overdevelopment and yes to people power,” said Avella, who announced he was planning to run for mayor in 2009 on the issue of “giving control of the neighborhoods back to citizens.”

He also said he was working with the Municipal Art Society to craft legislation that would foster more local control over development projects, but later acknowledged it would be a fight to get it passed.

Ratner’s poster girl

“Done deal—give me a break,” pronounced DDDB spokesman Daniel Goldstein. “This deal is coming undone…. If Brooklyn wants an arena, and we don’t get one, Bruce Ratner gets the blame for shoving it down our throats.” He said an arena could be built in Coney Island--a project Borough President Marty Markowitz used to support--without eminent domain. And he touted the rival bid by developer Extell for the MTA’s Vanderbilt Yard, calling it “appropriate density, not insane density.”

Goldstein hoisted a placard with a blown-up page from Forest City Ratner’s notorious brochure issued in May. The actress whose stock photo was used in the brochure, T. Sahara Meer, had opposed the project and, since the brochure was released, emerged as one of DDDB’s most energetic volunteers. Meer appeared onstage (right) to exhort more people to sign up.

Street theater

Lumi Rolley of No Land Grab appeared in full colonial garb, on horseback (right), wearing a sash saying "One if by land grab."

Early in the rally, attendees were entertained by Reverend Billy, the street-theater preacher known for anticonsumerist protests. “We’ve got to save our neighborhood from the big footprint of the devil,” he declared. (It was an ironic counterpoint, one observer told me, to project supporter James Caldwell of BUILD's statement that Forest City Ratner was "truly like an angel in heaven.")

While his “Stop Shopping Chorus” got some laughs, Reverend Billy’s m.o. didn’t sit completely well with Barron and Law, both of whom warned about making fun of the black church. Perhaps a bit of cultural disconnect was at work; Reverend Billy satirizes rapacious televangelists like Jimmy Swaggart.

It was hard to work the crowd into a lather, but probably the biggest cheers for the afternoon came for two celebrity members of the Develop Don’t Destroy Brooklyn Advisory Board, actors Steve Buscemi and Rosie Perez. Buscemi offered some amusing doggerel, including: “Affordable housing/but eminent domain/I play a lot of crazies/but that sounds insane.”

“I don’t hate Bruce Ratner—I just don’t like him very much,” asserted Perez in her trademark New Yorkese, and closed by uttering the title of the film that made her famous: “Do the right thing.”

A multipronged effort

Other speakers included Patti Hagan of the Prospect Heights Action Coalition, recounting how she was the first to galvanize resistance to the project; Nellie Hester Bailey of the Harlem Tenants Council, who had some tough words for ACORN head Bertha Lewis, who signed the affordable housing agreement with Forest City Ratner; and the Rev. Dennis Dillon of the Brooklyn Christian Center, who said, “We must live together or perish like fools.” (At right, a poster with photos of Lewis kissing Bruce Ratner and Mayor Mike Bloomberg after the affordable housing deal was announced in May 2005.)

Also appearing were Chris Owens, a candidate for the 11th Congressional District; Bill Batson, candidate for the 57th Assembly District; and Rachel Treichler, Green Party candidate for Attorney General. Campaign organizers handed out fliers for Tom Suozzi, who's challenging frontrunner Eliot Spitzer for the Democratic nomination for governor.

“Three years and counting, we stand at a crossroads in the fight for the heart and soul of Brooklyn,” declared James. “Here we are three years and counting and there’s no done deal.”

On Tuesday, the Empire State Development Corporation (ESDC) is expected to take another step forward and release the Draft Environmental Impact Statement (DEIS). That will lead to a public hearing and a comment period before a Final EIS is released and the ESDC--and the PACB--issue their approvals.

And DDDB announced its second annual walkathon, on October 21, to raise money for the inevitable legal fight to stave off those approvals, either because of a challenge to the use of eminent domain or a challenge to the review process itself.

Sunday, July 16, 2006

Times editorial gets it wrong on AY housing

An editorial in today's Westchester weekly section, headlined City on a Hill, discusses Forest City Ratner's proposed Ridge Hill project in Yonkers, and offers an error-laden paragraph about the developer's Atlantic Yards plan in Brooklyn:
That is one area in which the Ridge Hill plan can still be improved. Affordable housing is another. At another huge development in Brooklyn that Mr. Ratner proposes to build, an amazing 50 percent of housing units will be sold to low- and middle-income residents. It’s no coincidence that Brooklyn is home to one of the country’s noisiest and most energetic community organizations, Acorn, which Mr. Ratner took pains to make an early ally.

It's too bad the Times editorial page doesn't read the newspaper's own reporting. First, most of the affordable housing units would be rented, not sold to low- and middle-income residents.

Second, the "amazing" fact is simply incorrect; the number wouldn't be 50 percent. While initially it was proposed that 50 percent of all the project's units would be affordable, last year that was switched to 50 percent of the 4500 rentals--and the developer added 2800 market-rate condos, since cut to 2360.

Now, of 6860 proposed units, 2250 would be affordable rentals, or a little less than 33 percent. Forest City Ratner also offers somewhat vague plans to build 600 to 1000 units of for-sale affordable units; if 1000 units were built, the total percentage of affordable housing would be a little over 40 percent.

However, those for-sale affordable units likely would be geared to those in the "upper affordable income tiers." And many of the people at the session Tuesday already thought that the income ranges for the affordable housing excluded them.

To summarize:
1. Most affordable units wouldn't be sold.
2. The affordable percentage would not be 50/50.
3. Many attendees were dismayed by the affordable housing information session.
4. The affordable rental units would be rather small, and would occupy a small fraction--22 percent of the total square footage--of the project space devoted to housing.

When covering Forest City Ratner, business partner of the parent New York Times Company in building the new Times Tower, shouldn't the Times be careful to get the basic facts right?

[Update: The correction was incomplete.]

"A Second Chance on the West Side"--but in Brooklyn?

A New York Times editorial today in the City Weekly section, headlined A Second Chance on the West Side, calls the city's plan to develop the Hudson Yards in Manhattan "impressive and bold." A key line: "Having failed to seek local input on the stadium project, Mr. Bloomberg promises to work with the City Council and local residents to find the best use for the property. This could animate a real vision for the area."

Again, the double standard is staggering. The City Council and local residents have have been bypassed in plans for the Metropolitan Transportation Authority's (MTA) Vanderbilt Yard in Brooklyn, a key component of Forest City Ratner's Atlantic Yards project.

Open bidding

The editorial notes that the city's bid is far less than the appraised value, and that "[t]he cash-strapped M.T.A.... deserves the best possible price; an open auction is arguably the best way to do that." Similarly, Forest City Ratner's initial bid of $50 million was far less than the $214.5 million appraised value of the Vanderbilt Yard; after rival bidder Extell offered $150 million, the MTA--run by appointees of the mayor and governor, both of whom favor the Atlantic Yards project--agreed to negotiate exclusively with FCR, which ultimately bid $100 million.

Note that MTA chairman Peter Kalikow said, regarding the figure his own agency's appraiser produced, that it was "just some guy's idea of what it's worth... and it wasn't borne out by the marketplace." Had there been an open bidding process from the start, rather than 18 months after city and state officials announced their support for the Atlantic Yards plan, the numbers might have been different.

No stadium, no arena?

"The biggest problem with the Jets plan was that a hulking stadium was not the best use of an area that should be the keystone to development of the far West Side," the Times opines, nothing that a mixed-use development with parks could "open up more of the waterfront to the public."

While the proposed Brooklyn Arena would not be as big as a football stadium, the presence of the arena helps drive the density of the 16 other buildings in the Atlantic Yards plan; they could be smaller--and there could be more affordable housing--without the arena. The open space could be redeployed into real parks more easily without the arena, as well. The arena drives the infrastructure subsidies and some key political support, but the people interested in the affordable housing don't care much about hoops.

What about the numbers?

The Times opines that Bloomberg's "sense of urgency should not stop officials from taking a careful look at all the financial implications of the deal before committing themselves."

So, has anyone taken a look at all the financial implications of the Atlantic Yards deal? No. The Independent Budget Office stopped at the arena component, though the IBO's partial analysis suggested that the costs would be much higher than Forest City Ratner predicts.

The "sophisticated machine," "ostensible" independence, & Stuckey's spin

In an online-only New York Observer article this week about the Atlantic Yards opposition, headlined After “Race” Battle, Dan Goldstein Charges On, reporter Matthew Schuerman observes:
Since news of a basketball arena in Brooklyn ever surfaced three years ago, the opposition has grown from a merry band of hecklers best known for opposing a homeless shelter to a sophisticated machine that is simultaneously fighting legal, political and public relations battles, and sometimes even winning.

The article states:
A recent article on Slate by Jonathan Lethem shows the opposition's synergy. DDDB's inner circle recruited Mr. Lethem for a celebrity advisory board that was unveiled in May. His byline most likely helped get the diatribe published in Slate but the arguments themselves came from a pair of bloggers-the journalist Norman Oder and architect Jonathan Cohn--who are ostensibly independent of Develop Don't Destroy but who do much of the analysis for the group. Then the article ended up photocopied and distributed the following Sunday by volunteers at a fair on Smith Street.

Well, it was more than a diatribe, and Lethem added his own interpretation to some ongoing arguments. Lethem numbered his arguments, so I'll suggest that they came from a broad set of sources: 1) Cohn; 2) me/No Land Grab/DDDB; 3) me/DDDB; 4) Brian Hatch/me/DDDB; 5) DDDB; 6) numerous preservationists, including the Municipal Art Society; 7) a lot of people who read. (OK, he cited my blog for a Frank Gehry quote, but any writer could have done so.)

Too much credit

It's inaccurate to say Cohn and I "do much of the analysis for the group." DDDB has produced or promoted numerous reports and commentaries, on issues like security, taxpayer boondoggles, and eminent domain. More importantly, Cohn and I don't work for the group, since our work is self-generated, driven significantly by the issues posed in public documents and at public events.

It would've been much more precise to say "do analysis that the group finds useful." I started writing about this project last September and Cohn two months later. Cohn has posted only four times since May 9.

Ostensibly independent?

Am I merely "ostensibly independent" of DDDB? It's fair to say that I'm aligned with DDDB--we share similar concerns and critiques--as opposed to aligned with project supporters, but DDDB doesn't speak for me and I don't speak for them. I write a range of pieces, some straight reportage, some commentary. I can point out a DDDB error, question some rhetoric, and note where a DDDB affiliation was missing.

I'm a journalist and critic, not an opponent. My goal is to get it right, not some mythical notion of objectivity, if I may quote former New York Times Public Editor Daniel Okrent. So if say that the project represents "extreme density," that's based on research. I'm in regular contact with a few people involved in DDDB or the broader opposition, but I talk or email regularly with a range of people interested in the Atlantic Yards issue.

Welcome to the machine

Near the end of the article, Schuerman observes:
But the opposition's sophisticated munching machine takes every scrap of information that Forest City or a government agency puts out, every effort at propaganda, and spits it back in the developer's face. Hence the full-color brochure is called the "liar flyer" because it did not picture Frank Gehry's designs for the towers. (Mr. Stuckey said it wasn't meant to be an architectural brochure, and that images were given to the media two weeks later at a press conference with Mr. Gehry.)

(Munching begins) Ok, if it wasn't meant to be an architectural brochure, then why did it suggest that the "Vision for Downtown Brooklyn" included brownstones? And why is Forest City Ratner still distributing the brochures? On Friday visitors heading toward to Celebrate Brooklyn in Prospect Park were handed brochures plus Nets keychains.

"Sophisticated munching machine"? A main component, barely-mentioned in the article, is NoLandGrab.org (NLG), which daily collects and comments on anything related to Atlantic Yards. Lumi Rolley, the main contributor to NLG, is a diligent amateur--a webmaster by training--who's immersed herself in the Atlantic Yards saga. The "sophisticated munching machine" is just a few loosely-organized people who read a lot.

Questioning FCR

The article finds Jim Stuckey, president of the Atlantic Yards project, trying to spin, but reporter Schuerman is skeptical:
As for the expected show of force at Sunday's rally, which organizers estimate will draw at least 2,000, he said, "You don't know how many people will come out because they oppose it and how many people are coming to find out more about it."
It just so happens that Forest City staged an event a few days earlier, July 11, that looked an awful lot like an attempt to show its own support: an information session for people interested in the 2,250 affordable apartments that would be built under the plan.


Well, the rally is billed as "against Ratner's skyscraper city and arena overdevelopment," so it's safe to assume most attendees will not be those on the fence.

Stuckey vs. NLG

The article notes:
Mr. Stuckey added that one of the opposition blogs, No Land Grab, evidenced "a lack of transparency" because it reproduced an ad for the forum without giving the time and place. (The blog did show a phone number and an e-mail address to reserve a spot, however.)

Stuckey is criticizing NLG for "lack of transparency"? (NLG calls it a "pathetic swipe.") NLG quickly corrected the error, but why did it take months for Forest City Ratner to deal with the deceptive "placeholder" photos on the three months-old AtlanticYards.com web site. (A few days ago, the slide show was still portraying a building that had been renovated three years ago and other buildings that have recently been demolished. When I tried this morning, it wasn't working.)

Generating support

Stuckey continues:
"What I think is amazing is that without us doing any work at all, we have received over 4,000 RSVP's," he said the day before the information session. "That is not us working the crowd and putting up posters on lamp posts. That's a couple of newspaper ads and an e-mail sent around to people."
Just a couple of newspaper ads in major city dailies--at a cost that would presumably have bankrupted Develop Don't Destroy.


Not to mention 600,000 fliers that yielded 20,000 response cards. The Forest City Ratner "machine" is backed by some serious dollars.

Saturday, July 15, 2006

AY snug or stingy? 575 sf for 1BR, 775 sf for 2BR

The Atlantic Yards web site now offers some details that might have further frustrated attendees at the affordable housing information session Tuesday. Half the affordable rentals would contain two and three bedrooms (unlike some other affordable housing programs), but the apartment sizes would be comparatively small. In fact, the minimum size projected for a two-bedroom rental would be nearly nine percent smaller than the standard size for a two-bedroom unit in city public housing.

[Note 7/21/06: I should acknowledge that the sizes are those mandated by city guidelines, not that Forest City Ratner explained that.]

Developer Forest City Ratner and ACORN, the housing advocacy group that has partnered on the affordable housing program, have emphasized that the range of units is aimed to better accommodate families, But the number of bedrooms does not mean a particularly large apartment. Indeed, the small size suggests that affordable housing would occupy an even smaller share of the total housing component than previously thought.

Apartment Sizes:
Studios 400 Square Feet or larger
One bedroom 575 Square Feet or larger
Two bedrooms 775 Square Feet or larger
Three bedrooms 950 Square Feet or larger

By contrast, a 10/04 article in the NYC Housing Authority Journal on the Whitman/Ingersoll Houses in Brooklyn states that "some two-bedroom apartments are less than 500 square feet, compared to the present-day standard of 850 square feet."
(Emphasis added)

A 2005 Report to the New York City Public Advocate: Affordable Housing in New York City, describes (p. 109) two-bedroom apartments as occupying larger spaces: 800 square feet, 875 square feet, and 950 square feet.

Affordable housing percentage shrinks

Atlantic Yards was originally touted as an innovative plan in which half of the residential units--at that point all rentals--would be affordable. (See October 2004 flier at right. Click to enlarge.) When the Housing Memorandum of Understanding was signed in May 2005, Forest City Ratner had accomplished a crucial switch: the 50 percent affordable goal would apply only to the rentals, thus leaving the developer free to soon add market-rate condos, initially 2800, now 2360. (Borough President Marty Markowitz got it wrong at the MOU press conference, claiming "a commitment to build a full 50 percent of Atlantic Yards housing as affordable.")

So, of 6860 total units, 2250 affordable units would represent just under 33 percent. The decrease gets more dramatic if you look at the square footage involved. The average affordable apartment would contain 675 square feet. It's hard to imagine that the average market-rate unit would be that small--Forest City Ratner would have to compete with other developers offering much larger two-bedroom units, for example.

At an average of 675 square feet, the 2250 affordable apartments would take up 1.52 million square feet. The entire housing component would be 6.79 million gross square feet, according to the ESDC's Final Scope of Analysis. That suggests that affordable housing might occupy a little more than 22 percent of the total housing square footage.

22 percent? That number does not mean that the market-rate housing would occupy 78 percent of the space, since the housing square footage invariably includes common spaces not assigned to any apartment. Still, because the affordable units would be smaller than the market-rate units, the percentage of space devoted to affordable housing would not be commensurate with the percentage of units (33 percent of total). In other words, 50/50 has shrunk to 67/33, and then even further.

Note: Forest City Ratner does plan to build 600-1000 for-sale affordable units, which could bring the percentage of affordable units up over 40 percent, but FCR's Jim Stuckey was rather vague about that Tuesday. Faced with a crowd that already thought that several tiers of apartments were geared to those wealthier than them, Stuckey did not mention the language in the MOU: "It is currently contemplated that a majority of the for-sale units will be sold to families in the upper affordable income tiers."

More in the market

The typical market-rate rental unit in congested Manhattan is larger than the minimum affordable housing unit announced by Forest City Ratner. For example, firm Citi Habitats used the following in its 2004 analysis of rentals in Manhattan:

Studios 500 square feet (or 450 square feet in certain neighborhoods)
One bedroom 680 square feet (or 620 square feet in certain neighborhoods)
Two bedrooms 1050 square feet
Three bedrooms 1350 square feet

Across Atlantic Avenue from the proposed Atlantic Yards footprint, the former Williamsburgh Savings Bank, now known as One Hanson Place, is offering, for some hefty market-rate prices, one-bedroom units ranging from 722 to 937 square feet and two-bedroom units from 1054 to 1475 square feet.

Other subsidized housing

Other buildings in subsidized housing programs also offer more space, according to a quick literature search. A 2001 New York Times article on Ruppert Yorkville Towers, a middle-income complex on the Upper East Side in the Mitchell-Lama program, cited "studios with 439 square feet to... three-bedroom apartments with 1,253 square feet."

A March 2000 article on Mitchell-Lama housing in Brooklyn Heights cited studio apartments "ranging from 350 to 600 square feet." The upper limit would be larger than an affordable Atlantic Yards one-bedroom unit.

More than 19,000 new residents? Another look at "extreme density"

When I wrote in May about the "extreme density" of the Atlantic Yards project, I used the conservative average of 2.5 people per apartment and thus predicted 17,150 residents in 6860 units.

I was probably too conservative. After all, half (1125) of the 2250 affordable housing units would be two- and three-bedroom units. With an average of 4.25 people per unit, that would mean 4781 people. Let's assume an average of 2.25 people for the smaller 1125 units, or 2812 people.

As for the 2250 market-rate rentals and the 2360 market-rate condos, let's assume 2.5 people per unit, as previously. That's another 11,525 people.

Of course the assumptions can be tweaked, but this set would lead to 19118 people over 22 acres. That represents 869 people per acre. There are 640 acres per square mile, so that would represent 556,160 people per square mile. That's "extreme density."

Friday, July 14, 2006

The 3 pm lineup and more on the AY affordable housing session

I learned a telling fact about the 6:30 pm Atlantic Yards affordable housing information session Tuesday: the line started at 3 pm! That shows how desperate the need is for affordable housing, and also that Forest City Ratner and ACORN should have stressed that the information session would not give people a leg up on the future units.

As for the audience's skeptical response to the timing and cost of the units, The Brooklyn Papers found FCR's Jim Stuckey acknowledging, “Maybe I will explain the answers to their questions better next time.” And the Papers nailed the event as A dog-and-pony show, sharing my interpretation that the timing was keyed to the upcoming protest rally and environmental impact statement for the project.


Real Deal distortion

Meanwhile, The Real Deal, bumping up the Times's coverage, which was less skeptical than some rival coverage but hardly cheerleading, summarized it as Atlantic Yards supporters hail rental units. Not at all.

Daily Eagle undiscerning

And an article in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, headlined Forest City’s Affordable Housing Plan: Here’s How It Would Work, reported that more than 1000 people attended the second session, which is contrary to an eyewitness report.

The article states: All the meetings brought home the fact that to many people, the plan to create 2,250 low- and moderate-income rental units, not the sports arena or the new office building, is the centerpiece of the development.

True, but they also brought home the fact that many in the audience were frustrated that the units would not be available for several years, at best, and that a good number were seen as quite costly. The article stated blandly:
Some dates were made public. If the approval process goes as expected, construction on the first residential buildings will begin next year. A lottery will be held in early 2009, meaning that the first tenants will be able to move in that year.
There are government-prescribed preferences for where people now live and what they do. ACORN and Forest City are trying to modify some of those rules to create more fairness in the process, they say.


It noted:
In an information sheet handed out at the meetings, Forest City says “There will be 600-1,000 additional affordable home-ownership units on or off site.”

The article didn't cite Stuckey's conditional language at the session: “We will be working on putting [it] together.”

Thursday, July 13, 2006

All Atlantic Terminal? The rebranding of the Atlantic Center mall

(Imagined) Memorandum

To: Forest City Ratner
From: Your branding consultant
Re: Rebranding of Atlantic Center mall

We know we have a problem with the mall. The design is lousy, and the blank walls violate urban design principles college freshpersons should learn. Architectural historian Francis Morrone—and now he’s on the Develop Don’t Destroy Brooklyn advisory board—called it the “ugliest building in Brooklyn.” Ron Shiffman—and he’s a guy with some Brooklyn pedigree, since he founded the Pratt Center for Community and Environmental Development—now calls it “the only pre-existing blighting influence” in the neighborhood around the proposed Atlantic Yards project. Yikes.

Even Bruce Ratner agreed that it was designed in semi-paranoid style for mid-90s Brooklyn, aimed to keep “youth” (of unspecified ethnicity, but you know what he meant) from congregating. That’s why there are no doors on the northeast segments, next to the subsidized housing buildings. What did Bruce tell the Times (Rethinking Atlantic Center With the Customer in Mind; 5/26/04): "Look, you're in an urban area, you're next to projects, you've got tough kids." We were fortunate that the reporter didn't bother to get any other opinions about Bruce's statement. What if Tish James had wandered by?

So here’s what we do. We downplay it. And we gradually subsume its identity into the Atlantic Terminal mall next door, opened in 2004. OK, that one’s no beauty, but it has glass storefronts all around, and the brick makes it look more like Brooklyn than some appalling suburban slab. And we can call “Atlantic Terminal” simply “one destination.”

We'll say all the stores, all 32 of them—of course there are some vacancies in both malls—are part of Atlantic Terminal. (Wait, we won't mention the Department of Motor Vehicles or the Empire State Development Corporation, both of which rent space at the Atlantic Center mall. We shouldn't remind people how snagging the DMV helped us fill the taxpayer-subsidized space that should've gone to retail, right?) And then, in small type, we’ll acknowledge that "Atlantic Terminal" consists of “Atlantic Terminal” and “Atlantic Center.” It might be a little confusing, but that’s OK. Our math doesn’t always add up.

We have big plans for that Atlantic Center mall space. Some Atlantic Yards opponents wanted us to put the arena there, but that would block the three towers we plan. (Were we going to build on top of the mall, or tear down the whole thing? We haven't said, have we? Tear it down, we say.) We can call the whole thing Atlantic Terminal. After all, it is the Atlantic Terminal Urban Renewal Area. (ATURA). And ATURA has been good to us; what other developer could've proposed the Atlantic Yards process and avoided an RFP for that valuable railyard for 18 months. Let's place an ad in Brooklyn’s Progress, the Brooklyn Chamber of Commerce newspaper. Soon we'll see how we can put Atlantic Center to bed. (At right, ad from June/July issue of Brooklyn's Progress.)

Wednesday, July 12, 2006

Stuckey, Lewis face restive, skeptical crowd at AY housing session

Did the Atlantic Yards affordable housing information session last night backfire on developer Forest City Ratner and its partner, housing advocacy group ACORN? Not completely. After all, FCR collected contact and demographic information (household income, type of employment, current housing payment) from the attendees, a good cross-section of average community folk in Brooklyn and beyond.

More than 2000 people (the Times said 2300) attended the 6:30 pm session, filling the room, so FCR scheduled a second session, at 8:15 pm, which drew a much smaller crowd to a large room. (So, what happened to those 5000 RSVPs?) A photographer worked the first session, so photos of the crowd likely will appear on the AtlanticYards.com web site and perhaps in a future issue of the developer's promotional Brooklyn Standard.

However, if project planners were looking to generate significant new support, as opponents plan a protest and the state environmental review hits its stride, they might try another tactic. The applause for the project was tepid; the strongest reaction came when people questioned the housing's cost and timetable. A large portion of the crowd walked out after 40 minutes, before the 20-minute Q & A. Why? Perhaps because they had already learned some key facts: applications wouldn’t be available for at least three years, with occupancy a year later, and two-thirds of the places in the lottery will have preferences.

The Daily News, in an article today headlined B'klyn Yards pitch finds few bargains, found attendees ranging from angry to cautiously optimistic. "First they told us apartments might be ready by 2009, but then there's the lottery thing," one said.

The Times characterized the crowd as "attentive" in an article headlined Promises of Atlantic Yards Draw Thousands to Meeting. Unlike the Daily News and the Sun articles, the Times didn't quote critics expressing skepticism about the session, but the article did observe:
But last night’s presentations served as an early test of local interest in Forest City’s plans, and the audience members, many of them from Brooklyn neighborhoods that have seen promises of housing and jobs go unfulfilled before, listened with high hopes and some wariness.

The New York Sun, in an article today headlined Queue Forms For Housing In Brooklyn, quoted City Council Member Letitia James as saying that only 20% of the affordable Atlantic Yards units would truly be affordable. (Of the 2250 units, 900 would go to low-income people, earning under $35,450 for a family of four.) The article also pointed out that the session was timed to coincide with the state's pending release of the draft environmental impact statement, which would commence a public comment period. A final environmental review and state approvals are still required, but probable lawsuits aimed at the developer's likely use of eminent domain could delay or even derail the project.

The New York Observer reported that many in the largely black crowd "were disappointed to find that 'affordable housing' was not that affordable, or accessible."

The New York Post offered two paragraphs.

I got in, somewhat to my surprise. On Monday morning, I wrote that I hadn’t received a response to my RSVP, even though I had responded quickly after I received an email the Wednesday before. On Monday afternoon, I received an automated phone call confirming my registration. (Technical delay or response to my article? I don't know.) When I and hundreds of others arrived at the Marriott Hotel in Downtown Brooklyn last night, no one was checking names; it would’ve been too unwieldy.

Stuckey opens

Jim Stuckey, president of the Atlantic Yards Development Group, opened by citing the response to the brochure mailed to 600,000 Brooklynites. “We were very surprised that we got back 20,000 cards asking about affordable housing,” he declared. Surprised? As Lumi Rolley of NoLandGrab observed, the only offer on the return card was a check box stating, "YES! Please let me know when housing applications are available." It would stand to reason that a majority of respondents who want the inside track on housing applications are interested in "affordable housing."

Marty, man of the people

Borough President Marty Markowitz took the mike, declaring that “this is an exciting time to live in Brooklyn,” but, regarding new developments, “Sadly, almost all are beyond our reach—yours and mine.” (Note: Marty earns $135,000, and eats a lot of free meals.)

Markowitz recalled his own humble origins in rent-controlled and then public housing, which launched his political career as a tenant advocate . “I’m a tenant,” he added, “and I pay more than 50 percent of my take-home income in rent.” (Emphasis added.) The guidelines for affordable housing at the Atlantic Yards project use 30 percent of a family's income, but that's pre-tax income, the standard calculation.

Markowitz said he knew the project had some detractors, “but no one in America and New York City is setting the standards—only Forest City Ratner is doing that.” (What about the inclusionary zoning in Greenpoint and Williamsburg, which was negotiated publicly by City Council, rather than the privately deal announced by FCR and ACORN? The Atlantic Yards project would have a significant percentage of affordable housing, but not the 50 percent originally promised, and the inclusion of affordable housing has been used to argue for a project out of scale with most of the surrounding neighborhood.)

“A beautiful new apartment for each and every one of you—that’s my wish,” he said, signing off. Given that 20,000 people expressed an interest in 2250 projected units, Markowitz's wish can't be fulfilled by this project.

Project overview

Stuckey then gave an overview of the project: 4500 rental apartments, half-affordable, half market; 2360 condos, 7 acres of open space, an “arena for the New Jersey Nets, who will become the Brooklyn Nets.” At that, there were a few claps. People care much less about hoops than about housing. (And would they stay the Nets? A name change has been contemplated.)

A slide promised “Quality Residential Buildings,” citing:
--“high-quality construction using union labor”
--“world class architecture by Frank Gehry”
--“well-designed and efficient living spaces”
--“24-hour doormen and lobby attendants for service and security”
--“building amenities for residents such as children’s playroom, laundry rooms, bike storage, fitness center.”

He also mentioned that the project would include a health clinic, so people who need blood tests or MRIs wouldn’t have to travel far.

Stuckey explained how this program actually is an improvement over many current affordable housing programs. About half of the affordable units will be two- and three-bedroom units, thus accommodating families. “We’re talking about teachers, bus drivers, cops, civil servants,” he said.

All the units would be rent-stabilized, with increases set by the Rent Stabilization Board, he said. That raises a question. Units that rent for $2000 a month exit the rent stabilization program, and perhaps 30 percent of the units would rent for $2000 or more. (Everyone would pay 30 percent of their income in rent, so anyone earning $80,000 would pay $24,000 a year, or $2000 a month, in rent.) While apartments can remain rent-stabilized when they rise above $2000, it's not clear that the program accommodates units starting at that figure.

What about the promised affordable, for-sale condos, 600 to 1000, which could be built onsite or off-site? “We will be working on putting [it] together,” Stuckey said, his words suggesting it's hardly soon.

Lewis enters

ACORN head Bertha Lewis offered some background on the city’s housing challenge: a microscopic housing vacancy rate, 79,000 people living doubled up, 240,000 people on the waiting list for public housing, and the steady decrease in all forms of subsidized housing in the city. “We know this is a crisis.”

“When we started to talk about it, there was a principle,” she said. Every building would be mixed affordable housing and market-rate housing. “If the elevator works for them, the elevator’s gotta work for you,” she said, to some healthy applause, probably the high point of the night for project proponents. It’s a worthy point; many other affordable housing programs are relegated to separate buildings or other neighborhoods.

She also pointed out that few affordable housing programs help middle-income families, say when one person earns $30,000 and a spouse earns $50,000: “There’s no program for them.”

AMI vs. local income

Note that the income levels have gone up since the project was first announced (graphic at right), though the income bands—the ranges—are the same. Band 1 is for people with 30-40% of the federally-calculated Area Median Income (AMI), while Band 5 is 141-160%. The AMI, formerly $62,800, has gone up to $70,900 since April 7.

The slide show gave five examples, one for each of the five bands, with an ethnically-diverse mix of four-person families, each including two children:
--Mr. Robbins, a plumber, and his retired wife raising their two grandchildren. Their $24,815 annual income would lead to a $620 monthly rent.
--Mr. Martinez, a transit worker, and his homemaker wife. Their annual income of $31,905 would lead to a $797 rent.
--Mrs. Lim, an administrative assistant, and her husband, unable to work, raising two children. Her annual income of $56,720 would mean a $1418 rent.
--Mr. and Mrs. James, teachers earning $85,080, paying $2127 in rent.
--Mr. Patel, an accountant, and Mrs. Patel, a home health-care worker, earning $106,705, and paying $2658 a month.

Again, Lewis cited the importance of affordable housing for the middle-class. She had a point, but some in the crowd didn't welcome it. Then again, Lewis pushed the envelope, claiming of the middle-class, “These people--they’re paying a minimum of $2500 up to $4000.” Not so. A quick web search shows a good number of two-bedroom apartments in neighborhoods reasonably close to the project site—admittedly, not new Frank Gehry buildings—for under $2500.

Preferences and timeline

There is a housing lottery, but the preferences announced, required by city regulations, deflated some people in the room. Half the affordable units—1125 of 2250—would be reserved for residents of the three Community Boards, CBs 2, 6, & 8. Five percent would go to police officers and another five percent to city employees. Five percent would go to the mobility-impaired and one percent each to the sight- and hearing-impaired. That’s two-thirds of the units, plus ten percent for seniors, though there could be some overlap.

Stuckey offered a timeline. Assuming approvals, the railyard would have to be moved first, and then the construction of the first residential buildings would begin in 2008. Marketing for the buildings would begin in 2009, with applications available. Occupancy would occur in mid-2010, and the final buildings would be completed in 2016. He didn’t mention that there could be delays, that the Nets have discussed extending their lease for another three years.

Q&A

The Question and Answer session began, and the crowd begin streaming out. A questioner who identified herself as a teacher commented that the two-bedroom apartments “seem somewhat unaffordable.” Lewis reminded her that the rent is 30 percent of income, which is the national standard for affordable housing.

Another questioner, from the Bronx, asked if she could use her Section 8 voucher at the Atlantic Yards project. Lewis responded, “If you have a voucher and it travels with you, it’s going to travel with you.”

The next questioner apologized for complaining, “but where is the stabilization if the two bedroom apartment over $2000?” Several in the audience clapped. “Why is it only in Brooklyn, when we’ve got five boroughs waiting for the same thing?”

Stuckey patiently pointed out that a rent costing 30 percent of income was the standard, and noted that the project must follow city guidelines for the lottery.

Another questioner challenged the way AMI was calculated. “We get paid after taxes,” the woman said, saying that after taxes, paying for a babysitter, groceries, and other things, costs added up. Again, people clapped.

“I hear you,” Lewis responded, again citing the rules and reminding people that most affordable housing programs go up to only one bedroom.

More on subsidies

So who's to blame? Not developers that put up luxury buildings with tax breaks. Lewis blamed the government: “If the government, the city and the state and the feds really wanted to make things affordable for real, we would need more subsidy. The government, which we are fighting every single day.” Well, not quite. Lewis got nice and chummy with Mayor Mike Bloomberg when the Housing Memorandum of Understanding was signed last year.
(Photo by Tom Callan for the Brooklyn Papers)

“If they can fund wars, they can fund affordable housing,” she declared. But she didn’t mention reform of 421-a, the subsidy for market-rate housing that ACORN has criticized.

Another questioner asked about the for-sale units. Stuckey said it was a question of taxpayer subsidies. “We are getting a tremendous amount of support from the city and the state,” he said, noting that FCR is looking at whether such units could be built onsite or offsite. (Prediction: they wouldn't dare add to an already overly dense project.)

Lewis added, “You need to have the subsidies to do that.”

Unanswered was how much government funding would go to affordable housing for this project, and why exactly it has to go here rather than elsewhere.

More skepticism

Another questioner pointed out that there is a crisis right now, and asked whether the affordable housing would be built offsite. Lewis said the rentals would be built onsite. “I’m not going to blow smoke,” she said. “The project hasn’t been fully approved.” Or halfway approved, actually, given that a Draft Environmental Impact Statement has yet to appear from the Empire State Development Corporation.

“There’s 96 projects going on in Brooklyn right now,” she added. “Not a scrap of it is affordable.” Not quite. ACORN’s report, Sweetheart Development issued in March, said that only 7 percent of the units in 87 new developments in and around Downtown Brooklyn include affordable housing, though city officials disputed that.

People still had their hands up, but it was 7:30, so the session came to a close. Audience members handed in their information surveys and picked up photocopies of the PowerPoint presentation, which would remind them of their chances in the lottery, and the developer's timeline for a project that, indeed, has not been fully approved.

Tuesday, July 11, 2006

"A Walk Around the Footprint" and one holdout no more

There's a poignant aspect to the 18-minute film, A Walk Around the Footprint, a snapshot of people and places in the shadow of eminent domain and Forest City Ratner's Atlantic Yards project. When the film was shot six months ago, Vince Bruns was a holdout, one of the last loft residents in the handsomely-renovated former Spalding factory at 6th Avenue and Pacific Street. "I love the space. I'd be perfectly happy to die here," Bruns told filmmaker George Lerner, whose film was shown Friday night at the Park Slope Food Coop.

But Bruns had to be experiencing some pressure. A 6/30/05 New York Times article about the aftermath of the Supreme Court's Kelo eminent domain decision described Bruns as a holdout, noting that a sign in his window proclaimed: "I love my home and my neighborhood. I intend to stay here." But Bruns "acknowledged he might someday be forced to sell."

Indeed, though Bruns remains in his loft , he's agreed to leave by the end of September. He's bought an apartment in nearby Boerum Hill. And he took the sign down three months ago.

A lesser gag

Unlike most of the other residential owners who sold to Forest City Ratner, Bruns, a self-described longtime ACLU supporter, negotiated a less onerous set of restrictions. He doesn't need the developer's approval to talk about the project or the buyout, and he can participate in rallies and forums--just not as a "prominent speaker." So his low-key role on a panel after the film Friday night would seem to qualify. He had to agree not to donate money to the project opposition--but he did write a check to Develop Don't Destroy Brooklyn (DDDB) before he signed that agreement.

So why'd he leave? "I had a big investment in my space," Bruns said later, "and I felt we were getting close enough to condemnation." He added, "I think they treated me fairly. The only unfairness is that they had an unfair weapon, in the way that eminent domain is perverted."

He said that his property had been appraised for more than double the price he paid in 2002, and that Forest City Ratner paid more than that appraisal, but not the 50 percent premium that has been proposed in some legislation regarding eminent domain.

A sense of place

Filmmaker Lerner said his model was the Barry Lewis/David Hartman "A Walk Around..." series for PBS, and he was not trying to make a film about the project, in all its details and contentious arguments. The film contains no interviews with project supporters. But the implication was clear: there are successful elements of a mixed-use neighborhood within the footprint, though they have been winnowed by time, and there are buildings that have historic value.

(Indeed, the neighborhood has quieted down; as Peter Krashes, who lives on Dean Street across from the proposed project footprint, told WNYC radio last December, "a lot of the property has the appearance of being more dormant. That’s one of the things that people miss when they walk here they don’t understand that what was a pretty active area has been emptied.")

And, as the rendering of the western segment of Gehry's plan shows, what might replace it would be very, very different--a change hinted at but not shown explicitly in the film, which was shot before the latest project renderings were released. (Graphic from New York Times)

The eminent domain battle

Bruns's decision leaves Daniel Goldstein of DDDB, the last condo owner from three owner-occupied condo or coop buildings in the footprint. However, several others--including commercial owners, residential renters, and owners of smaller residential buildings--remain subject to eminent domain. About 70 people, mostly tenants, still live in the footprint, which would be 22 acres, including an 8.3-acre railyard. (That number does not include the population in a homeless shelter, which had been estimated to constitute more than half of the 800+ residents in the footprint.)

Goldstein Friday expressed appreciation that Bruns held out for so long, but it seemed apparent that Bruns, who runs a fish business, had not been ready to join Goldstein--a graphic designer-turned-full-time-activist--as an eminent domain plaintiff. Some among the remaining residents in the footprint were afraid to be in the film, Goldstein said, but several potential plaintiffs remain.

Goldstein told the audience there would be an eminent domain lawsuit. "[Forest City Ratner's] Jim Stuckey called my attorney," Goldstein recounted. "He said, 'Will Goldstein take an offer. He can keep fighting us, but will he agree not to be an eminent domain plaintiff?' I think they're worried."

"There are a lot of 'done deals' that have been undone," he said in response to a questioner who offered that common observation. "He can't build the project without my apartment. He can't build the project without fixing traffic [problems]. He can't built the project if the condo market crashes."

Added Scott Turner, who appeared with Goldstein in the movie, "When it started in December 03, I'd say we had a ten percent chance. I'd say it's even money now." He took pains to say that project opponents were not against jobs and housing, and that there could be construction on the railyards--a smaller-scale project--without encroaching on the existing neighborhood.

Renters under pressure

Also in the film was 87-year-old Victoria (Mary) Harmon, who said she had no desire to leave the apartment she's rented for 62 years. "I'm too old to go looking for places."

David Sheets, an eight-year resident, talked about how he and other long-term renters had helped stabilize and restore the neighborhood. Now, he said in the film, his building is showing water damage. Given the specter of eminent domain, "There's no incentive for anyone to pay any money into repairing it... It's a self-fulfilling prophecy." And that will help the state declare that the area is blighted, a prerequisite to invoke eminent domain.

Sheets added that the lack of focus on renters, many of whom are minorities and also uncomfortable with publicity, "feeds into the perception" that "it's just a handful of white yuppies" opposing the project.

"If Freddy's goes, Brooklyn goes"

The film also included scenes in Freddy's, the prohibition-era bar at the corner of Dean Street and Sixth Avenue that hosts everything from punk to jazz to knitting nights. "You take away all this, you're going to kill Brooklyn," Turner declared on film. Kill the borough?, he was asked afterward. "Every neighborhood has a bar like Freddy's," he responded.

"It's symbolic," Goldstein continued. "Change can be good. Change can be bad. I don't think anyone wants to see that kind of change." Some do, of course, and attitudes toward change depend not only on issues like scale and place, but also on larger political and economic forces.

Monday, July 10, 2006

AY affordable housing session: why now? (It could take six years, for 280 units)

"Learn more about affordable housing at Atlantic Yards," reads the announcement for the Forest City Ratner/ACORN information session scheduled for Tuesday. (Note: correct image as of 1:20 pm 7/11/06)

Given that the project hasn't been approved, and the first units wouldn't be built til 2009--and possibly much later--this session seems to be another Forest City Ratner public relations move, furthering the notion that Atlantic Yards is a done deal. (By the way, we haven't seen an issue of the promotional Brooklyn Standard since October. Is one on the way?)

I have some questions, but, despite my swift RSVP, haven't gotten a confirmation that I'll be allowed in. I'm not optimistic. Given the prescreened nature of the meeting, Robert Guskind at the Gowanus Lounge calls it "the Norman Oder Verboten/Nicht No Land Grab/Nein Develop Don't Destroy Brooklyn Clause."

How soon might the units be built?

According to Forest City Ratner's AtlanticYards.com FAQ:
After the EIS [Environmental Impact Statement] is complete, and assuming the project receives the needed public approvals, FCRC anticipates breaking ground in late 2006 on the arena and at least two residential buildings. The construction will be phased over 10 years.

If the arena opened in 2009, as planned, that means two of 16 buildings (one-eighth) might be completed in three years. One-eighth of the proposed 2250 affordable housing rental units would be 280 units available by 2009.

That number might be higher, if more buildings were built in the first round, but it also might be lower, if the project's "extreme density" is reduced. But that timing is optimistic, given the potential for continued community opposition to the project, including litigation. Note that the Nets, as Newsday reported Friday, whose lease at Continental Airlines Arena is to expire after the 2007-08 season, are discussing an extension through 2011-12 with the New Jersey Sports and Exposition Authority, a person familiar with the talks said.

So if the arena isn't built until the fall of 2012, then the other buildings likely wouldn't be built until then. That means the first units--280?--would arrive by 2012.

Will going to this information session give people a leg up?

Will those who get in to the session on Tuesday have an advantage over others who didn't make it? No.

As Forest City Ratner executive Bruce Bender recently said in a press release, "the affordable and middle-income housing program will be handled via a lottery system as required by City rules. People who have sent back a reply card or have sent an email to housing@atlanticyards.com asking for more information about Atlantic Yards housing will receive a letter outlining the program and next steps in the coming weeks."

When are the affordable condos expected to be built?

According to the developer, "FCRC has also agreed to build between 600 and 1,000 affordable condos on or off site."

Given that there's no mention of this in the announcement of the housing information session, let's assume they would be built sometime later. It's worth asking for some more specifics.

Why now? A p.r. effort

The battle over the Atlantic Yards project is entering a new phase. On Sunday, Develop Don't Destroy Brooklyn plans a rally against the project. Recently, teens have been collecting signatures in support of the Atlantic Yards project and bringing the Nets to Brooklyn.

The Empire State Development Corporation (ESDC) is expected to issue a Draft Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) soon, possibly July 18, which will lead to a public hearing and comment period. Then a Final EIS can be issued and the project moved forward for approval by the ESDC and the state Public Authorities Control Board.

Voices for the scale

The scale of the project will remain a huge point of dispute, and it's likely Forest City Ratner will be recruiting more supporters Tuesday to argue that the project should remain as large as possible.

Given that the number of apartments per acre would be more than double that of other major projects, the extreme density of the Atlantic Yards project has been justified by developer and project supporters as necessary to include the affordable housing component.

Cut the density and some of the affordable housing may be cut. Exactly what kind of cut Forest City Ratner would accept is a mystery, but don't assume the current project size is the final version. Remember, the developer recently cut 440 market-rate condos without cutting anything else, and took about $440 million in gross revenue off the table.

Many attendees at the session Tuesday will argue--understandably, because it gives them a better chance at the lottery--that the project should stay at its proposed size. But that's developer-driven planning, not the transparency and public input that the city seeks for the West Side railyards.

And even though Empire State Development Corporation spokeswoman Jessica Copen told the Courier-Life chain, "It is possible that all required governmental approvals could be in place by October or November 2006," an eminent domain lawsuit and likely other litigation would push back the plan--probably why the Nets are hedging their bets.

421-a reform a faster solution

The meeting Tuesday will draw hundreds of Brooklynites--among the thousands upon thousands--who care about affordable housing. Any development built over the MTA's 8.3 Vanderbilt Yard would include affordable housing, and though it may not be as much as Forest City Ratner's larger (22-acre) and denser plan, it's not a zero sum game. There are other ways to build affordable housing, and faster.

The city's 421-a program, which provides tax breaks for new construction in the outer boroughs (and parts of Manhattan) without requiring affordable housing, will cost the city $320 million this year, according to a report issued in April by the Pratt Center for Community Development and Habitat for Humanity-NYC.

A city task force is considering reform of 421-a, and their report is expected later this year. ACORN, Forest City Ratner's partner in the Atlantic Yards affordable housing program, also has pushed for 421-a reform.

"I would wipe the program out, take the $320 million and have a dedicated source of money for housing subsidy," Roland Lewis, executive director of Habitat for Humanity-NYC, told the New York Times.

Reforming 421-a would produce a lot more affordable housing, and faster, than the Atlantic Yards project. It will be interesting to learn whether ACORN also mentions reform of 421-a at the session on Tuesday. That action could bring more results to ACORN's constituency, though perhaps not to ACORN itself. ACORN stands to gain in prestige, clout, and operating revenue by negotiating the Atlantic Yards affordable housing component and processing the applications.

Sunday, July 09, 2006

ESDC defends against appeal, says environmental review addresses AY's “merits”

Forget trying to disqualify our lawyer, says the Empire State Development Corporation (ESDC) in the latest round of legal jousting in the Atlantic Yards case. Instead, asserts the ESDC, opponents of the Atlantic Yards project should focus on the environmental review process, under the State Environmental Quality Review Act (SEQRA).

The only problem is that SEQRA doesn’t address many of the big questions relating to this project, and, as I wrote in my analysis of the previous volley filed by the attorney for the opponents, in some ways the game seems rigged.

Last week, ESDC lawyer Douglas Kraus filed a document opposing efforts by a coalition of groups in the case involving the disqualification of ESDC attorney David Paget.

After Paget, who had previously represented Forest City Ratner on the Atlantic Yards project, was disqualified by State Supreme Court Justice Carol Edmead in February, citing a "severe, crippling appearance of impropriety," that decision was reversed by the Appellate Division in May.

In arguing that the Court of Appeals (the state's highest court) should not take the case, Kraus argues that the Appellate Division’s reasoning in the previous opinion reflects settled law and that there's no standing for parties lacking an attorney-client relationship to call for disqualification. Forest City Ratner attorney Jeffrey Braun makes similar arguments.

SEQRA and the merits

Perhaps most intriguing is a sentence near the end of Kraus's document: “Petitioners simply seek to continue their longstanding opposition to the Atlantic Yards project by means of a collateral attack on ESDC’s counsel, Mr. Paget, instead of addressing the merits of the project itself in the context of the SEQRA review process.” (Emphasis added)

However, the SEQRA review process is limited to the environmental impact of the project. It involves a Draft Environmental Impact Statement (EIS)—likely to be issued within weeks—and a comment period involving at least one public hearing, then a Final EIS. It does not even require that all impacts be mitigated. (Some may simply deemed unmitigatible.) So it can address traffic, but not some larger questions.

Larger questions

Absent from the SEQRA review is any discussion of some of those larger questions . For example, was it proper for the Metropolitan Transportation Authority to wait to issue an RFP for the railyards—the proposed project’s largest segment—until 18 months after city and state officials embraced the project? (The discussion of the need to bid on the West Side railyards offers a contrast.)

Also, though the EIS will contain a description of the project’s potential economic and fiscal benefits, how useful is that description if the costs of the project are not fully disclosed?

Or, perhaps most fitting, why did local officials agree to let a state agency evaluate the project? That means that no Brooklyn elected officials have a chance to weigh in, a point made even by more moderate observers like Kent Barwick of the Municipal Art Society.

However, SEQRA can't be used to challenge the very existence of a process that bypasses local representatives in the interest of eliminating "red tape." That's why this has ended up in court.

Saturday, July 08, 2006

W. Side railyards vs. Brooklyn railyards: the double standard

The double standard is staggering. First, city officials Thursday announced they were willing to pay $500 million for the Metropolitan Transportation Authority's West Side railyards once promised for the West Side Stadium, and the city would build a platform so the property could then be further prepared for development.

Now Democratic candidate for governor Eliot Spitzer says the bid is too low, and that the process should be more transparent. Except he won't say the same thing about the parallel issue at the MTA's Vanderbilt Yard, a key component of Forest City Ratner's Atlantic Yards proposal.

Of the city's proposal, Spitzer said, according to an article in today's New York Times headlined Spitzer Says City's Offer for Railyards Is Too Low :
"This is an amount grossly under market value," Mr. Spitzer, the state attorney general, said in a statement released by his campaign office. "Any sale of an asset of this magnitude, size and value must only be approved after a process that is open, transparent and provides an opportunity for public bidding."

If Spitzer wins the governship, he could appoint new members and influence the MTA's decisions over its properties.

Quinn's take

City Council speaker Christine Quinn wants an open process, according to the Times:
"We think the best way to have a fair, open and transparent process is to make sure the public is involved in the planning and development of the site every step of the way," Ms. Quinn said yesterday in a statement released by her office.
She added, "Allowing a private buyer to acquire the last significant publicly owned open space in Manhattan, without any requirement as to what is developed there, will not necessarily foster the preservation and development of the affordable housing or create the mix of residential, commercial and park space this area vitally needs."


That contrasts significantly with comments regarding the Brooklyn project made by Andrew Alper, then president of the New York City Economic Development Corporation. He said at a 5/4/04 City Council hearing:
So, they came to us, we did not come to them. And it is not really up to us then to go out and find to try to a better deal. I think that would discourage developers from coming to us, if every time they came to us we went out and tried to shop their idea to somebody else.

However, the plan for the site has changed significantly since the project was announced in December 2003, with commercial office space reduced by two-thirds, and an addition of 2360 units of luxury condos. The doesn't fit with the process Quinn describes.

Regarding the West Side railyards, the Times reported yesterday: If a deal is struck, the city will also be able to ensure that any development there is consistent with a comprehensive rezoning plan approved by the city last year.

There has been no rezoning for the Atlantic Yards site in Prospect Heights, though the Downtown Brooklyn rezoning extended to its western tip.

Spitzer on Atlantic Yards

The Times pointed out a contradiction in Spitzer's comments, but didn't go far enough:
Although Mr. Spitzer said of the proposal that "a sale of this proportion without public discourse would be wrong and inappropriate," he is generally in favor of the $3.5 billion Atlantic Yards development in Brooklyn, which opponents have said was a deal done largely in secret.

Why is it that the obvious--that the deal was "done largely in secret"--be attributed to a partisan source rather than reported as established fact? The Times could very easily have pointed out that the Vanderbilt Yard was put out to bid 18 months after the project was announced--a clear sign of the absence of public discourse.

Or that the MTA agreed to sell the 8.3-acre property to Forest City Ratner for $100 million, less than half the appraised value, even as rival bidder Extell offered $150 million. Or that the MTA (and Forest City Ratner) justified the sale, in part, because the developer is willing to build the platform that the city now is willing to build on the railyards in Manhattan.

Is AY about jobs?

So why does Spitzer support Atlantic Yards? The Times reported:
Ms. Anderson said Mr. Spitzer agreed that there were "valid concerns about the course of the project" and was "open to discussing them with the community," but he believed it would bring needed jobs.

Bring needed jobs? That is so 2004. Hasn't Spitzer learned that the developer's phrase "Jobs, Housing, and Hoops" has been pretty much shelved, given the 75% cut in the original projections of 10,000 office jobs? The developer and project supporters have begun to stress the affordable housing aspects of the plan.

So Spitzer has some questions to answer. As does Assemblyman Richard L. Brodsky, who told the Times that "the city's offer might conflict with recent legislation intended to ensure that publicly owned land is sold for the highest price." Does he feel the same way about the Vanderbilt Yard in Brooklyn?

Friday, July 07, 2006

Yassky thinks Miss Brooklyn should be halved (but his web site stays quiet)

Did you know that City Council Member (and Congressional candidate) David Yassky wants the taller buildings proposed for the Atlantic Yards project halved in size? That means the planned 620-foot Miss Brooklyn tower could shrink by hundreds of feet, and its bulk would be reduced even more significantly.

That disclosure came when Yassky was queried by The Brooklynite magazine, but Yassky, a chameleon on the Atlantic Yards issue, sure hasn't pressed the issue on his web site.

After the New York Times on Monday described how the Atlantic Yards project is influencing politics in Brooklyn, I decided to take another look at whether the candidates for the open seat in the 11th Congressional District, notably David Yassky, portray the Atlantic Yards issue on their web sites.

Nearly three months ago, I pointed out how Yassky’s supportive-but-not-quite position on Atlantic Yards was absent from his web site, even though a drop-down box titled "Yassky on the issues" had 13 topics, including Brooklyn Bridge Park and Affordable Housing.

While Yassky and his spokesman didn’t quite answer my query about why Atlantic Yards was missing—it seemed an obvious parallel to Brooklyn Bridge Park—they said the web site was in the process of being revamped.

Indeed, the site has been revamped and reorganized. But Atlantic Yards has not been added. In fact, it's been subtracted; a 9/13/05 press release, accessible from the previous version of the web site, headlined "Yassky and Brennan to MTA: Reject Proposal, Decrease Scope of Development at Atlantic Yards," is gone.

Where does Yassky stand?

The web site home page shows Yassky at a press conference in which he gained the support of several community leaders, including three signatories to the controversial Community Benefits Agreement for the Atlantic Yards project. This suggests a tilt toward the project. (Note that his attempt to gain $3 million to fund BUILD's job training efforts was unsuccessful.)

However, in the Summer 2006 issue of The Brooklynite, which unfortunately has folded, editor Daniel Treiman put Yassky on the spot:
For starters, there’s Yassky’s curious behavior on the single biggest development issue facing Brooklyn: Bruce Ratner’s mammoth Atlantic Yards project. While neighborhood activists and many of his fellow local elected officials have been out raising hell, Yassky has been quiet as a mouse. When Yassky has voiced an opinion, he has supported the basic idea of the project, while expressing concern about its scale and its impact on traffic and infrastructure. Pressed by The Brooklynite for more specifics, Yassky’s office said the councilman “would like to see a reduction of total size by more than a third. As part of this reduction, he would also like to see the taller buildings halved in size.” This is all well and good, but it’s not very helpful if he’s not vocal about it. If this project is to be stopped or significantly scaled back, it won’t be because a City Councilman has a nice set of opinions about it.

While Treiman is critical of Yassky's stance on the Atlantic Yards project, he observes that Yassky "has by far the most thoughtful position statements on the issues he would be working on as a congressman," except for his absent position on the Iraq war. Treiman has some barbs for Yassky's rivals, calling Chris Owens "unabashed in his race-baiting of Yassky," part of the battle over whether a white person should run in a majority-black district. Also, Treiman calls Carl Andrews an "unrepentant, longtime friend of [discredited Democratic party boss] Clarence Norman."

Yassky on housing

The only mention of affordable housing on Yassky's web site comes on the biography page:
His "Affordable Housing Zoning Initiative" will create thousands of new moderately priced apartments. Under the plan, developers building luxury apartments in newly rezoned areas are required to finance companion affordable projects.

Note that there has been a rezoning in Greenpoint and Williamsburg, which Yassky, as a City Council member, helped shape, but there’s been no rezoning for the Atlantic Yards project. Actually, rezoning points more to city politics than Congressional politics.

Owens and AY

Among the candidates, Owens maintains his opposition to the project, saying that developer Bruce Ratner “has circumvented substantive community input as well as local elected officials.”

Owens's housing policy addresses federal power:
Republican administrations have been cutting back on the programs and funding that have enabled urban areas, in particular, to provide affordable housing for Americans. These cutbacks must be stopped and new legislation developed.
Opportunities to support community land trusts and partnerships between the public, private and non-profit sectors must be developed and refined to provide taxpayers with value and Americans with affordable housing.


Andrews and Clark

Carl Andrews and Yvette Clark may be supporters of the Atlantic Yards project, but their web sites don't say so. Both candidates address affordable housing from a federal perspective.

Andrews' site states:
Though the Republican Administration has encouraged banks and other lending institutions to assist low income wage earners to buy homes in their communities they have not instituted laws that will protected these citizens from unscrupulous lending practices...
In Congress Carl will write and help pass legislation that will prevent our neighborhoods from being ripped apart by speculative developers and lending institutions. This legislation will protect our neighborhoods from speculators by providing clear and effective criteria for developers and government agencies when governmental funds are requested for new and renovated housing in our communities. In addition, Carl believes we should explore both local and national housing trust funds as options to build more affordable housing.


Clark’s web site says:
Ideologues in the Bush administration keep reducing and try to dismantle Section 8, the most successful public-and-private housing partnership in the history of the United States...A landmark program, Section 8 has produced affordable housing for needy Americans since the Nixon years. It works this way: instead of doing the construction itself, the government guarantees subsidies for rents in the private market. Families, most of them at or below the poverty level, pay 30 percent of their incomes toward rent, and Section 8 vouchers pay the rest...
[H]istory has demonstrated that the market, left to its own devices, does not serve the housing needs or interests of all Americans, particularly poor and low-income and today increasingly middle-income-people... Congress and the executive branch of the federal government must assume its responsibility.


All four are Democrats. They should be expected to challenge a Republican administration and push a Democratic one toward the left. Those are less complicated challenges than developing a position on an enormous local project that has left local Democrats split.

Thursday, July 06, 2006

MAS on Lopate: AY is lousy planning, but done deal?

Reprising some but not all of the issues raised at the June 15 session on design principles for the Atlantic Yards project, Kent Barwick, president of the Municipal Art Society (MAS), and Stuart Pertz, a member of the MAS’s Atlantic Yards panel, appeared on WNYC’s Leonard Lopate show yesterday.

For those new to the issue, it must have been confusing. On the one hand, Barwick and Pertz offered cogent criticism of the design issues and also lamented that the approval process is undemocratic. On the other, neither they nor Lopate acknowledged the significant opposition that has emerged to the project, and listeners with qualms were left with the slender hope that developer Forest City Ratner, in Barwick's words, would be "good citizens" and make changes.

Lopate at the outset described the half-hour segment as the MAS’s “evaluation of the Atlantic Yards project,” but the organization has not tried to evaluate the entire project. Later, the host offered a revision: "We're talking about the Forest City Ratner Atlantic Yards project totally as a piece of urban planning.”

Terminology matters. The MAS has avoided passing judgment on the crucial and contentious issue of scale. How tall and dense should the project be? There's ample evidence that the project, as currently configured, is way too big.

What Brooklyn wants

“We came out of it appreciating that this is a good place for high density development in Brooklyn,” Barwick told Lopate. “If Brooklyn determines--and exactly by what process they would make this determination is unclear--if Brooklyn decides it wants a sports arena, this is a terrific place for a sports arena.”

That's a key caveat, because no one will make that determination. Barwick later pointed out that “so much development now is insulated from the City Council and the City Planning Commission. Nobody who's elected in Brooklyn is going to get a chance to vote.”

The confluence of Atlantic and Flatbush avenues is a good place for some more dense development, but a "terrific place" for an arena? There are major tradeoffs, including the demapping of streets, burdens on the transit hub, the use of eminent domain, and the encroachment on some lower-scale neighborhoods. "This is more of a residential district. This would not be Times Square," architect Frank Gehry told the Daily News in May, acknowledging the elimination of planned gaudy signage.

Done deal?

Lopate suggested the “sense that it's a done deal.” Barwick didn’t dissuade him, saying, “I think that's generally the sense when you have an approval process where nobody has a voice...the city doesn't feel it's capable or responsible for the public environment.”

That may be so for many in the public, but it discounts the significant opposition expressed by the crowd last month. There will be a major rally in less than two weeks. And that opposition likely will be expressed in hearings in the upcoming environmental review of the project and the inevitable legal battle over eminent domain and perhaps even over the environmental impact process itself.

During the segment yesterday, Barwick at times seemed more optimistic about the developer, while Pertz remained more restrained. The MAS's "mend it, don't end it" perspective seems an effort to stay at the table and to offer some thoughtful advice, such as moving the arena and eliminating one building to save Fifth Avenue (right).

But staying at the table has some tradeoffs, as noted last month by project opponent Daniel Goldstein, since the MAS's planning principles--including no demapping of streets--are violated by the presence of the arena.

Failure to plan

Both Barwick and Pertz bemoaned the city’s failure to plan. “The city more or less relies on nobody thinking about anything in advance,” Barwick said.

Pertz recounted a previous effort to work on a master plan for Charleston, South Carolina. The "best developer” in the city told him, “'I want you to make the rules even for everyone.' And I looked at him and said he was crazy. He said, 'No, you don't understand. I know how to win if the rules are clear, just make the rules clear.’ And that's the job of the city, to make the rules clear.”

And the rules in New York? While the city and state regularly issue RFPs for developers to bid on, the railyard at the heart of the Atlantic Yards project was put out for bid 18 months after the project was announced.

Pertz emphasized, “Planning precedes architecture, architecture doesn't precede planning. And I think, in this city, there's a sense that you hire an architect, and the architecture puts the right building in place. But without, where the streets go, without where the parks go, without some controls about the size and the density and the circulation that precedes it, the architecture will be awkward—“

“Or beside the point,” Barwick added.

Gehry as planner

Lopate asked Pertz, “as an architect,” for his thoughts about the proposed buildings. “I think Frank Gehry is a terrific architect and a great designer. He is not a planner, not either by profession nor by disposition," Pertz responded. "He has been quoted as saying he doesn't believe in context. because what he does is unique. That works up until the point where you are the context When he does a single building, as he did in Bilbao, and it sits at the end of a street...He can make a piece of sculpture that works. But you can't sculpt 22 acres in the same way, and that's really the thing that makes it hard for him.”
(Above, an MAS effort to add streets and make park space more accessible to the public rather than perceived as private space for project residents.)

Barwick offered a partial defense: “You can love Frank Gehry or hate him. You can argue that the context here, at this intersection and the brownstones, is not unlike the one in Spain, in Bilbao, that there is room at the point of this, for a piece of sculpture.” (He apparently was referring to the Miss Brooklyn tower.) “What's really wrong with this is the way the 22 blocks unfold.” (He meant the 22-acre site.)

Alternative plans

Lopate noted that, at the event three weeks ago, “people were talking as though some alternative plans were still on the table. Is that likely?”

Pertz said, “All of them had very interesting features,” citing the lower-density UNITY Plan, “a very interesting and well-run community process,” the Pacific Plan by Doug Hamilton, which incorporated many of the features the MAS has sought, and added, “but only one was done was done by another developer, and the seriousness of that proposal by the developer was never—“

Barwick added, “It was a much greater wall, and a much less hospitable development than the Ratner plan.”

Much less hospitable? The plan proposed by the Extell Development Co. was limited to only the 8.3-acre railyard and, unlike the Atlantic Yards plan, did not propose to eliminate any streets. It allowed for the reuse of historic buildings in the neighborhood, like the Ward Bakery on Pacific Street, because the project footprint wouldn’t include them.

Extell’s smaller plan, without an arena, certainly would pose much less of a traffic challenge. As for the unhospitable “wall” apparently formed by the project, that seems a legitimate criticism, but Extell’s plan was proposed and planned in little over a month. (And doesn't Ratner's much larger plan produce unhospitable walls?) Had Extell's plan been taken more seriously--Extell did bid three times Forest City Ratner's initial $50 million bid, though Ratner doubled its bid to $100 million and won the railyards--perhaps that plan could have been modified.

Extell's plan, unlike the Atlantic Yards plan, does reflect the UNITY principles, and the Empire State Development Corporation's Final Scope for analysis of the environmental impact of the project agreed to analyze the effect of the Extell, UNITY, and Pacific plans.

Transportation challenges

Lopate observed that the Atlantic Avenue transit hub is “a cramped space” and asked, “Wouldn't it be very difficult on the night of a game, for a lot of people to be coming out of the subways and also out of LIRR and trying to get up to the arena?”

Barwick downplayed the problem, suggesting that, “It's like that at Penn Station today...that's one of the things that the city has to decide...generally cities have survived those surges.”

Pertz was more concerned, saying “It still is worrisome that there is no process that examines how the city is providing [transit].” At the session last month, planner Ron Shiffman suggested that Penn Station was more capacious.

Changes possible?

Lopate suggested that the criticisms issued by the MAS “are not insurmountable,” that the streets could be restored, the park space be made more accessible, and the size of the buildings decreased. “Is Ratner listening to any of this?”

Pertz responded, “I'm sure he's listening. The question of whether he feels he needs to do anything about it is another question, because there is no process of which approval depends on his meeting any criteria. At present, the approval process is in the hands of people who are already supporting him.”

Lopate pointed out that Ratner had brought in Gehry, and Barwick took off on that, saying, “And a very good landscape architect, too, Laurie Olin.” He said he was optimistic about Forest City Ratner. “Of course Bruce Ratner and his company have to make money...They're ambitious, they're culturally concerned, they're good citizens in New York and you'd like to think--and I do think--if it's clear to them there are changes they can make that would make this a better project, they'd consider making them.”

Last month, however, FCR's Jim Stuckey described compliance with some of the MAS principles as having costly tradeoffs. And there's a contrast between the developer's good citizenship--expressed in such things as charitable contributions--and the hardball deemed necessary to complete the project, such as the refusal to disclose how much has been paid to signatories of the Community Benefits Agreement.

Feedback from Ratner

Lopate asked if Forest City Ratner officials had provided feedback. “They're just as worried about the traffic as anybody else,” Pertz said, referring to the topic just under discussion. “What surprises us is that the city has let the developer do this independent of any participation.”

Barwick added, “It's difficult unfortunately for the city to develop first and worry about transportation later.”

Pertz continued, “There is a larger context in which this plan is operating. There is a Brooklyn that needs to work. And this is just a project. But everyone's focused on this project, because there is no context in which all the other planning issues can be discussed.”

Wednesday, July 05, 2006

Columnist Louis resorts to name-calling, still bypasses facts

In his latest Commerce and Community column, in the 7/1/06 issue of the Bed-Stuy-based Our Time Press, Errol Louis devotes the longest segment to an attack on me. Given that Louis doesn't respond to the errors I've found in his and others' writings, it's a journalistic version of an old lawyer joke: "When the law is against you, argue the facts. When the facts are against you, argue the law. When both are against you, call the other lawyer names."

In the column, titled Atlantic Yards and the Oder Effect (it likely will remain online only briefly), Louis writes:
Continuing a strategy that is guaranteed to backfire, opponents of the proposed $3.5 billion Atlantic Yards Development continue to demonize anyone who won’t fall in line and join them in trying to kill the project. One of the leaders of the effort, a blogger named Norman Oder, makes a specialty of attacking journalists (including yours truly) by generating vast, tedious tomes of "analysis" that inevitably lead to the same self-serving conclusion: that nobody, but nobody – not one single member of the small army of reporters that has been following the project for years – knows as much about Atlantic Yards as Norm Oder. And therefore, nobody should write a word about it that doesn’t follow his line.

Louis, who is also a columnist for the Daily News, disparages the messenger rather than apologizes to his readers for the misinformation in his previous columns. As for Louis's journalistic role, consider his words, according to an 11/24/04 Brooklyn Downtown Star article :
"I'm not a reporter," he explained to the several reporters present. "I'm an opinion journalist. If I didn't have an opinion, they'd fire me."

Opinions and facts

There's nothing wrong with having an opinion, but opinions are more compelling if grounded in facts. Unfortunately, Louis too often ignores relevant facts.

Had he followed the project more closely and had he gone to the May 2005 City Council hearing on Atlantic Yards (or read the transcript), he would've known better than to write that Brooklyn politicians who have already wasted years opposing the project... should be negotiating the details of exactly how to make sure the coming jobs go to constituents who need it. That's because the lion's share of the jobs, the office jobs, are beyond any negotiations, as I've had to point out more than once.

Had he followed the project more closely, he would have followed up on his 1/6/04 New York Sun column, headlined Brooklyn in the Balance, in which he contrasted the NIMBY attitudes he perceived from arena opponents with the proactive, community-based role of the nation’s first university-based neighborhood planning organization, the Pratt Institute Center for Community and Environmental Development, where I work part-time.

In March 2005, the Pratt Center released a report, Slam Dunk or Air Ball? A Preliminary Planning Analysis of the Brooklyn Atlantic Yards Project, which said that "the process through which this development has been advanced has not been sufficiently fair or accountable" and observed that, without further information on traffic impacts and public subsidies, it is "impossible to render informed judgment on the project."

Has Louis mentioned this report? No, according to a search of the archive of the Daily News, his current citywide platform.

Defending the Crain's editor

Louis continues:
One of Oder’s most recent slash-and-burn efforts was directed at Greg David, the editor of Crain’s New York. "Crain’s editor Greg David gets it wrong," said Oder’s headline. But the article itself, as usual, contained little substance beyond a long line-by-line nit-picking whine about Crain’s article, combined with a rehash of the talking points opponents always use: that the project will be too big; that it will bring too many people to Prospect Heights; and that the many, many groups and individuals who support the project are either ignorant of the facts or corrupt dupes of the developer.

Little substance? David declared that Forest City Ratner decreased the amount of office space because of 9/11. However, the office space was announced in December 2003 and decreased in May 2005. Should the editor of the city's business newspaper have such a shaky grasp of the project timeline?

Looking at the economics

Louis writes:
In a typical line, Oder says: "As for the economics of the plan, why does David trust Ratner’s claims, given that the developer has been unwilling to produce his economic projections for the project?" In the world of real journalism, as opposed to Oder’s party-line manifestos, the job of the writer is to gather information, inform the readers where it comes from, then analyze it and move on.

So a columnist who seems research-averse chides me about "real journalism." The bidders for the Metropolitan Transportation Authority's Vanderbilt Yard were supposed to provide their 20-year economic projections. Rival bidder Extell did so; Forest City Ratner did not.

As for "party-line manifestos," I've analyzed the various sources, several of them governmental, to conclude that FCR's claim of $6 billion in new revenue isn't credible. No one else in the press has attempted such a watchdog role.

Not everyone shares Louis's take. One of his Daily News colleagues, sports columnist Michael O'Keeffe, writing in the iTeam blog in May, declared my blog a "regular must-read" and added, Oder is certainly no fan of the Nets owner’s gargantuan proposal, but his blog is intelligent and well-reported.

The Times and "Downtown Brooklyn"

Louis continues:
But Greg David didn’t do the proper antiproject dance, so he got added to the Oder hit list. Oder has also gone after the Daily News, and by now has made a cottage industry out of nit-picking every word written about Atlantic Yards in the New York Times – including an especially silly minicampaign that accused the Times of deliberate bias for referring to the project’s location as Downtown Brooklyn, rather than Prospect Heights. Oder, who lives in Park Slope, probably has no idea that folks in East New York, Coney Island, Brownsville, Bed-Stuy and even Crown Heights routinely refer to Fort Greene and anything near Atlantic Terminal as downtown. Understanding that would require knowledge of the borough outside of Park Slope.

Silly? Why then did the Times publish a megacorrection that gained the attention of the trade magazine Editor & Publisher? Note that the Department of City Planning, which worked on rezoning the downtown area, and the authoritative book Neighborhoods of Brooklyn do not consider Downtown Brooklyn to include the proposed project footprint.

I haven't accused the Times of deliberate bias. I accused the newspaper of repeatedly making mistakes, and pointed out that, after the Metro section had become meticulous in its descriptions, the rest of the paper had not followed suit. (That's evidence of clumsiness, not bias.) Unlike Louis, the Times will sometimes own up to its mistakes.

As for my "knowledge of the borough outside of Park Slope," Louis doesn't know where I've been, who I've talked (and listened) to, or what I've read during my 15 years in Brooklyn, so he resorts to a smear.

Mad math

Louis writes:
I call Oder the "Mad Overkiller". My last article about Atlantic Yards ran 626 words; Oder wrote more than 2,300 words to attack it. Oder’s inability to form a concise argument is more than just a sign of weak writing skills: there’s also an attempt to accomplish, on a small scale, what the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth did to candidate John Kerry in the 2004 presidential elections.

Louis can't get his basic facts straight. My column covered not one but two Errol Louis articles on Atlantic Yards. Nearly a third of my column consisted of direct quotes--from Louis, people testifying at City Council, and other sources.

More importantly, the space available on the web allows for thorough analysis and transparent factchecking. Does Louis really think that the largest project in the history of Brooklyn gets enough coverage from the Manhattan-based media? His newspaper, the Daily News, didn't even cover the session held last month by the Municipal Art Society, which drew more than 400 people to hear about design principles for the Atlantic Yards project.

Swift Boat sliming?

Louis continues:
The Swift Boat people slimed Kerry up and down, over and over, publishing charges that were marginally true and in some cases completely false. Kerry made the mistake of not responding to each charge. That allowed the Swift Boat faction to build a mountain of damaging charges that like-minded people dutifully cited and cross-referenced through the magic of the Web. Eventually, newcomers to the debate, including members of the media, looked at the mountain of cross-references and, unable to plow through every accusation, gave the whole smear far more truth and credibility than it deserved. By the time Kerry woke up, it was too late to undo the damage.

So why hasn't Louis addressed the following issues:
--He wrote that his claim of 15,000 permanent jobs was just an estimate, but that the important thing was that there would be jobs. Doesn't he think that a 75% cut from that number is a meaningful difference?
--He wrote that politicians should negotiate the remaining jobs at the project. I pointed out that negotiation had already concluded about construction jobs, and that the largest share, the office jobs, were outside political control. So what set of jobs is he talking about, and how many?
--He related the Supreme Court's Kelo eminent domain decision to "places like Prospect Heights, where the railyards have been basically untouched for about a half a century..." But how does that fit, given the railyards could have been put out for bid anytime and are not subject to eminent domain?

Misunderstanding links

Louis may not understand how blogging works. He writes:
Something similar is being attempted on the Atlantic Yards Project. Three blogs might cite a post by Oder – but when you probe his writings, half the references are to earlier Oder blog posts. The effect is like walking down a hall of mirrors with the same dubious accusations multiplied as if by magic.

While I do cite my previous posts, that's merely to point out how basic factual issues must be revisited again and again. Ultimately, my blog points to sources--articles, reports, and other documents. It's far more transparent than trusting Louis in print.

Fundamentally dishonest?

Here's Louis's closing:
But more and more journalists are getting wise to the game. The main result of the bloggers’ attacks on the media is the creation of a large and growing club of journalists (welcome, Mr. David) who dismiss the opponents as not only misguided and rude, but engaged in a fundamentally dishonest exercise.

Fundamentally dishonest? I source my conclusions, and if I make an error, I correct it.

Consider that, after I wrote last December that Louis "ran" for City Council, he sent a followup e-mail saying that "I never officially declared, never formed a campaign committee, circulated no petitions and was enrolled in law school weeks before Primary Day. In other words, I did not run for council in 2001."

I printed his response, along with links to contemporaneous news coverage that described him as leaving the race for City Council, after losing an endorsement to Letitia James. So he was in the race but he didn't "run."

And Louis accuses me of nit-picking.

Coverage of and responses to columnist Errol Louis

5/28/09: Errol Louis blames AY foes, reveals that Ratner wants to pay MTA just $20 million at first

9/18/08: At state Senate hearing, calls for reform of state eminent domain laws, notably blight

4/10/08: Errol Louis and the "Atlantic Yards pork pool"

3/23/08: Daily News columnists Louis, Daly lament AY setbacks, blame NIMBYs, avoid facts

12/27/07: Clear enough? Misreading the Extell interview regarding Atlantic Yards

12/6/07: Would AY arena be more like Newark or MSG? Brian Lehrer Show raises the issue

12/5/07: Panel on "oversuccess" raises questions about community review, CBAs, gentrification, and AY

10/27/07: Errol Louis suggests AY poll results represent democracy

10/7/07: Deconstructing 'Death throes for arena foes'

9/24/07: The departing "middle-class" and AY affordable housing

8/24/07: Errol Louis denounces jock spousal abuse, but where's JKidd?

8/18/07: Again, Errol Louis misses the point regarding the Downtown Brooklyn rezoning

8/17/07: On the radio, a question about terrorism & AY

7/9/07: Errol Louis gloats about AY eminent domain case, but take another look

6/1/07: The unexpected housing boom in Downtown Brooklyn, some curious statistics, and an Errol Louis misreading

2/25/07: Errol Louis on AY negotiation, but not the 20-year affordable housing plan

12/22/06: The Errol Louis wrap-up: an all-star collection of misreadings

10/17/06: "Brutally weird": Errol Louis on CBGB, AY, and the homeless

10/1/06: Two views of Brooklyn Speaks: middle ground or "same stale agenda"?

9/21/06: Getting our money’s worth with Atlantic Yards? Few care, and here’s why

8/5/06: Errol Louis: a defense of MetroTech, weak math, and the walls of the ghetto

8/4/06: Errol Louis, negotiation, and the CBs' lost dialogue

8/2/06: Errol Louis: AY site = railyard + junkyard (Voice: nope)

7/18/06: Reality warp: Errol Louis, Daily News praise AY housing info session

7/5/06: Columnist Louis resorts to name-calling, still bypasses facts

6/21/06: What's missing? Columnist Louis still sloppy on jobs, the CBA, and AY rhetoric

6/3/06: Follow Errol Louis's logic, halve Atlantic Yards density

5/30/06: What CBA? Gaps in Errol Louis's column about AY supporters

5/6/06: Errol Louis stays on course, careless with facts

4/22/06: Jobs at Ratner's malls: far fewer than originally predicted

4/21/06: Systemic changes? Ratner's CBA-compliant architect is already building Downtown Brooklyn towers

1/5/06: Errol Louis responds to "smear," but still fudges the issue

1/5/06: "I get mine and they get theirs": hard truths on development deals from playwright August Wilson

12/21/05: Errol Louis on black leadership: should Roger Green be the model?

11/17/05: Dispiriting debates: false premises (on eminent domain) and half-loaves (regarding the CBA)

Monday, July 03, 2006

CBA gets short shrift in Times article on how AY reshapes politics

In an article published today on the front of the Metro Section, headlined Atlantic Yards, Still but a Plan, Shapes Politics in Brooklyn, the New York Times offers a reasonably comprehensive survey of the effects of the Atlantic Yards project on some contested political races, notably the 57th Assembly District and the 11th Congressional District, though the role of the Atlantic Yards Community Benefits Agreement (CBA) deserves a more stringent analysis.

The lead of the article hints at a done deal, sooner or later:
It will be months, if not years, before a single brick of the Atlantic Yards project is laid near Downtown Brooklyn.

Even though the next sentence explains that the project is unapproved, shouldn't the lead have been more conditional--could be laid vs. is laid? After all, no bricks were ever laid for the West Side Stadium project. Whatever momentum the Atlantic Yards plan seems to have, it is subject to unknown future variables.

Green & the CBA

Reporter Nicholas Confessore gets Assemblyman Roger Green, who once picketed Forest City Ratner, to explain his participation in the CBA:
"The issue is always about the uses of relative power," Mr. Green said of his relationship with Forest City. "There was a sense that the project was going to happen. With that objective reality, I had to position myself to get information about the project, and then use my relative power to engage in some creative problem-solving."

Green's words are another variation on the explanation that it was more important to be "at the table" than not.

Jeffries on the spot

The article points out that Bill Batson, a candidate for the 57th District seat being vacated by Green (who's running for Congress), is opposed to the Atlantic Yards project and advances the story by putting rival Hakeem Jeffries on the spot:
In late May, Mr. Jeffries took out an advertisement in The Brooklyn Downtown Star, a local newspaper, in order to "make sure there was a clear position on where we stood," he said in an interview.
"Essentially, yes to affordable housing, no to eminent domain abuse, no to commercial skyscrapers, and yes to an open process," Mr. Jeffries said.
His critics found the explanation unilluminating, since the project as currently designed would involve both eminent domain and soaring commercial skyscrapers. Pressed on whether he would support or oppose the project as it stands, Mr. Jeffries first said it was "an interesting question." After some prodding, he said he would "be more inclined to support it than not," in large part because the project includes a large component of below-market housing.


Unmentioned is the third candidate, Freddie Hamilton, who is a CBA signatory and supports the project.

Yassky's CBA ties

In the 11th Congressional District, Confessore writes, two candidates are for the project, Chris Owens opposes the project, while David Yassky has said he could not support the project at its current size, but favors development on the site. His supporters include the leaders of several nonprofit groups that have signed the community benefits agreement with Forest City Ratner, however, and some opponents of the project criticize Mr. Yassky for not taking a harder line against it.

The support Yassky has gained, however, seems predicated at least in part on a quid pro quo; unmentioned is that the candidate has tried to get $3 million from City Council for BUILD, one of those CBA signatories.

Politics as usual?

The article closes with an account of maneuvers at some of Brooklyn's Democratic political clubs, in which Atlantic Yards opponents have been accused of club-packing, and leaders of the Independent Neighborhood Democrats managed to exclude the new members from some endorsement votes.

The article cites Forest City Ratner's clout:
Politically speaking, however, opponents of the project still face an uphill climb. Bruce C. Ratner, the chief executive of Forest City Ratner, has long been a major political and philanthropic force in Brooklyn. Mr. Ratner and his top executives enjoy strong ties to elected officials and community leaders here.
Those ties are reflected, in part, by the overwhelming support for the project among the city's political establishment...
"There are two ways to work in this town," said Joe DePlasco, a spokesman for Forest City. "You can try to build a consensus by meeting with people and talking to them or you can try to stack political clubs and engage in the end-justifies-the-means single-issue tactics that opponents have been using. Given that the governor, the mayor, the borough president and numerous state and city elected officials support the project, we think the former approach is the one that works."


Yes, three Atlantic Yards opponents--including City Council Member Letitia James, and Prospect Heights residents Patti Hagan and Daniel Goldstein--are quoted earlier in the piece, but you'd think Confessore and his editors would be wary of closing an article with another self-serving quote from the developer's paid spokesman.

Stacking political clubs may be a controversial tactic, but it hardly began with Atlantic Yards opponents. Forest City Ratner assembled much of its political support before the project was even announced in December 2003, so a look at post-announcement political tactics would have been appropriate.

In that case, DePlasco's pious pronouncements are belied by a close examination of the tactics behind the Atlantic Yards CBA. In Los Angeles, CBA signatories agree to not to accept money from a developer for fear it would constitute a conflict of interest, but here, several do so--and Forest City Ratner refuses to say how much it has spent. Is that building consensus or buying support?

A misleading caption

The print version of the article includes a photograph mainly of the Metropolitan Transportation's Vanderbilt Yard, with an aboveground U-Haul lot in the foreground and structures on Pacific Street to the side. The caption states:
An area of the Atlantic Yards in Brooklyn, where a plan for a multi-billion-dollar project has become a major political issue in the borough.

As noted, Atlantic Yards is the name of a project, not a place.

Branding alert: Atlantic Yards now sponsor of Coney beach volleyball

The Atlantic Yards project, the single largest development in Brooklyn's history, remains (mostly) absent from the Summer 2006 issue of Borough President Marty Markowitz's seasonal promotional Brooklyn!! newspaper-ish publication, just as it did in two previous issues. The cover story is about the lighting of the Coney Island Parachute Jump, which is a redevelopment story, in a way.

But the publication is mainly a salute to the artists, athletes, restaurants, and community characters that make Brooklyn the homey place it is. The centerfold is devoted to the summer concert series in Bed-Stuy and Coney Island that Markowitz established as a state senator, and which--now supported steadily by corporate donations--provide the BP with an opportunity to gladhand crowds as the proud progenitor.

The publication isn't meant to be a comprehensive survey of issues affecting Brooklyn. Still, it's striking how the effort at mentioning a cross-section of neighborhoods is not complemented by discussion of the prime issue facing the borough: development, including the upzoning and downzoning of neighborhoods.

AY & volleyball

Actually, there is one mention of Atlantic Yards, though in advertising rather than the text prepared by the Borough President's office. The full-page ad for the August beach volleyball tournament in Coney Island is billed as "A Brooklyn Sports & Entertainment Event in Partnership with Atlantic Yards."

And the press release for the tournament now emphasizes Atlantic Yards, stating:
Brooklyn Sports & Entertainment, in partnership with Atlantic Yards, and the AVP Pro Beach Volleyball Tour, a wholly owned subsidiary of AVP, Inc., a lifestyle sports entertainment company focused on professional beach volleyball, announced today that they are joining forces... (Emphasis added)

This represents a change, since that press release has been tweaked from the original issued in January, which did not mention Atlantic Yards:
AVP Pro Beach Volleyball Tour, a wholly owned subsidiary of AVP, Inc., a lifestyle sports entertainment company focused on professional beach volleyball, and Brooklyn Sports & Entertainment, announced today that they are joining forces...

Brooklyn Sports & Entertainment is a subsidiary (or alter ego) of Forest City Ratner. And so is Atlantic Yards. Why the added and distinct mention of Atlantic Yards? It looks like a new effort at branding.

Sunday, July 02, 2006

Critic Goldberger calls AY a corruption of Jacobsian "mixed-use"

New Yorker architecture critic Paul Goldberger hasn't yet weighed in on the Atlantic Yards project and, since he writes fairly infrequently, maybe he won't do so soon. But he offers some skeptical words about the project within a column in the July issue of Metropolis headlined Jane-washing, with the subtitle "The danger of Jacobs’s legacy lies with developers who co-opt her ideas to justify their megaprojects."

Goldberger acknowledges a small backlash:
After all, Nicolai Ouroussoff wrote in the New York Times, Jane Jacobs had little understanding of Los Angeles, few ideas about how to control suburban sprawl, and not much sympathy for urban forms that did not grow out of a dense, squat nineteenth-century model.
True enough. But looking at Jacobs’s legacy, I am less concerned with the things she missed or failed to understand than about the things she saw and the way the ideas she cared passionately about seem to have been misunderstood or deliberately misused for purposes that would have appalled her.


The culprits: pseudo-villages in shopping malls and the West Side Stadium. Goldberger scoffs:
And so you put together a gargantuan mixed-use complex that does all the right things, sort of, so long as one ignores a couple of Jacobs’s guiding notions: her belief in small-scale and pedestrian-oriented neighborhoods, and her commitment to the diversity conferred upon a neighborhood by the presence of small businesses and multiple landlords. Today economic forces seem to push us relentlessly toward larger and larger buildings and more and more corporate development, away from the modest scale and diverse ownerships that Jacobs believed were critical for human interaction in a neighborhood.

Third culprit: Atlantic Yards

Goldberger continues:
In downtown Brooklyn a single developer is now proposing an enormous complex of multiple towers, shops, and public space around the centerpiece of a sports arena, and he is trying to present it—like so many megaprojects today—as not just an effort at economic development but an enabler of a fine-grained urban life.

Indeed, had Goldberger calculated that the amount of open space created would be far too little for the number of new residents, he might have been more dismayed.

Jane not gospel

Goldberger allows that Jacobs could be wrong, "engaging in what I have often called the fallacy of physical determinism, suggesting that the physical form of a neighborhood determines everything about how it will function." He suggests that towers in a park, while "usually not right," work well in Stuyvesant Town. (The Municipal Art Society doesn't quite agree, suggesting that the open space "feels private." See p. 25 of the slide presentation produced for the June 15 session on Atlantic Yards design principles.)

Goldberger contends that, for much of Manhattan, including Jacobs's beloved Greenwich Village, New York has outgrown (and outgentrified) Jacobsian evolution. His closing:
The real limitation of Jacobs’s thinking is in her belief that since a relatively natural process gave us the city we love—the old neighborhood-rich, pedestrian-oriented, exquisitely balanced New York—then planning would not be of much use in the future...The natural process of growth now gives us sprawl, gigantism, economic segregation, and homogeneous, dreary design. In Jacobs’s day the intervention into organic urban growth was symbolized by Robert Moses. Today the forces trying to intervene are those set in motion by Jacobs.

Let's acknowledge that Atlantic Yards is seen by ACORN and others as fighting economic segregation, since, unlike several other developments in Brooklyn, it includes a provision for a significant slice of affordable housing. (I call it a privately negotiated affordable housing bonus, because the provision of affordable housing is used as a justification for building at extreme density and thus gigantism.) However, the project also raises concerns about economic displacement and segregation as spillover effects in the nearby neighborhood.

What would planners do?

Goldberger's column provokes questions about the role of planning. Jacobs wasn't a fan of planning, and planners do have their blind spots. Then again, for the Atlantic Yards project, the planning "is all backwards," according to urban planning professor Tom Angotti, so it's worth wondering what a more rational and democratic planning process might have produced.

Saturday, July 01, 2006

Appeal on disqualification of lawyer challenges ESDC business as usual

In some ways, the development game seems rigged--but perhaps the state's highest court will rework the rules.

The Empire State Development Corporation (ESDC) has the dual and potentially-conflicting roles of encouraging economic development and evaluating the environmental impact of such development. When it comes to the Atlantic Yards project, ESDC chairman Charles Gargano has already said the scale meets his approval.

After some 15 project opponents and other allies challenged the ESDC's use of attorney David Paget, who had just previously represented developer Forest City Ratner on the Atlantic Yards project, Supreme Court Justice Carole Edmead 2/14/06 removed him from the case, decrying a "severe, crippling appearance of impropriety."

Appellate reversal

The ESDC appealed, and the Appellate Division, however, was unanimous in its reversal of Edmead, ruling 5/30/06 that the representation was consecutive, not simultaneous (as Edmead had erroneously said); that ESDC and/or the developer had waived their rights as to potential conflicts of interest; and that any appearance of impropriety is insufficient and must be balanced against other factors.

What are those factors? The court wrote:
First, petitioners have recourse, as noted above, to provide input into and, if necessary, to obtain judicial review of ESDC's determination. Second, as previously noted, Paget is ESDC's counsel of choice for numerous excellent and undisputed reasons, and replacing such counsel on short notice would be very difficult. Third, it seems clear that petitioners intended the disqualification motion as a significant tactical maneuver in their campaign against the Project.

What's missing

What's missing is the larger picture, one that Edmead identified. She wrote in her decision:
Potentially, the interests of Ratner Companies, as an applicant or project sponsor, are adverse to the interests of the ESDC, which is charged with the responsibility to protect the environment and regulate the activities of individuals and corporations so that 'due consideration is given to preventing environmental damage.' The oft bottom-line, profit-making pursuits of real estate development corporations may not necessarily align with the stated, valid environmental interests of the ESDC.

Now, an appeal filed this week by Develop Don't Destroy Brooklyn and copetitioners asks the Court of Appeals (the state's highest court) to take another look. The appeal argues that the Appellate Division, by applying the principles governing private parties (and allowing Forest City Ratner to waive any conflict with ESDC), ignored the public interest:
Where, as petitioners allege here, a government agency puts other interests ahead of its duty to serve the public interest, it is the public, not the agency, that is harmed.

Further, it raises questions about the ESDC's review process, under SEQRA, the State Environmental Quality Act. The Appellate Division's opinion stated that the petitioners did not have standing to challenge Paget's role, but they could challenge the overall ESDC environmental review later in the process. But the appeal brief, filed by Jeffrey Baker, says that's not enough:
Given ESDC's "considerable latitude" under SEQRA to determine how or whether to mitigate the substantial environmental impacts of the Project, ESDC's likely invocation of the attorney-client privilege in any such challenge, and the deferential standard of review in an Article 78 proceeding, it would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, once the process is complete, to parse out how the involvement of an attorney with conflicted loyalties affected the ultimate result.

Will the Court of Appeals step in?

The Court of Appeals is not obligated to take the case. Baker's brief cites the role of the New York Public Interest Research Group, which joined the case as an amicus but has no stated position on the Atlantic Yards project, as evidence that the issue has broad public importance.

The court would have to address some fundamental problems with the law. As Mary Campbell Gallagher, who writes the Big City Big Boxes blog, put it in March:
The real problem is with the environmental statutes, which in effect put the fox-developers in charge of the state environmental henhouse. As counsel for the state pointed out yesterday, the statute permits the developer to draft his own environmental impact statement (EIS). The EIS, however, is what the entire environmental regulatory process must examine. Although counsel for the state would doubtless not put it this way, we have environmental statutes that in their very nature positively require a conflict of interest. To enforce the statutes as drafted means to put the developer in control of the state process that is supposed to regulate him. No wonder, then, that in allowing Mr. Paget and his clients to follow the statute, it sounds to a layperson as though there is a conflict of interest.